I 


THE 


PATRIOT 


IRISH 


DANIEL  0  CONNEL’S  LEGACY  TO 
IRISH  AMERICANS. 


1*  II 1  L  A  1>  E  L  P  II I A  : 

PRINTED  FOR  GRATUITOUS  DISTRIBUTION 


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ILLINOIS  HISTORICAL  SURVfe 


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39.4- ^3 

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I  II  U  I  V  • 

p\mm  or  mu: (i i 

H  M  /  I  t  . 


ADDRESS  FROM  THE  PEOPLE  OF  IRELAND 


TO  THEIR  COUNTRYMEN  AND  COUNTRYWOMEN 

IN  AMERICA. 


Dear  Friends  :  You  are  at  a  great  distance  from  your  native 
land  !  A  wide  expanse  of  water  separates  you  from  the  beloved 
country  of  your  birth — from  us  and  from  the  kindred  -whom 
you  love,  and  who  love  you,  and  pray  for  your  happiness  and 
prosperity  in  the  land  of  your  adoption. 

We  regard  America  with  feelings  of  admiration:  we  do  not 
look  upon  her  as  a  strange  land,  nor  upon  her  people  as  aliens 
from  our  affections.  The  power  of  steam  has  brought  us  nearer 
together ;  it  will  increase  the  intercourse  between  us,  so  that 
the  character  of  the  Irish  people  and  of  the  American  people 
must  in  future  be  acted  upon  by  the  feelings  and  dispositions 
of  each. 

* 

The  object  of  this  address  is  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
subject  of  slavery  in  America — that  foul  .blot  upon  the  noble 
institution  and  the  fair  fame  of  your  adopted  country.  But 
for  this  one  stain,  America  would  indeed  be  a  land  worthy  your 
adoption;  but  she  will  never  be  the  glorious  country  that  her 
free  Constitution  designed  her  to  be,  so  long  as  her  soil  is  pol¬ 
luted  by  the  foot-prints  of  a  single  slave. 

Slavery  is  the  most  tremendous  invasion  of  the  natural, 
inalienable  rights  of  man,  and  of  some  of  the  noblest  gifts  of  ■ 
God,  “life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.”  What  a 
spectacle  does  America  present  to  the  people  of  the  earth  !  A 
land  of  professing  Christian  republicans,  uniting  their  energies 
for  the  oppression  and  degradation  of  three  millions  of  inno¬ 
cent  human  beings,  the  children  of  one  common  Father,  who 
suffer  the  most  grievous  wrongs  and  the  utmost  degradation, 
for  no  crime  of  their  ancestors  or  their  own!  Slavery  is  a  sin 
against  God  and  man.  All  who  are  not  for  it  must  be  against 
it.  None  can  be  neutral.  We  entreat  you  to  take  the  part  of 
justice,  religion,  and  liberty. 

It  is  in  vain  that  American  citizens  attempt  to  conceal  their 
own  and  their  country's  degradation  under  this  withering  curse. 
America  is  cursed  by  slavery!  We  call  upon  you  to  unite 

C-Q  ■ 

QO 

--n 


4 


2 


mu 

with  the  Abolitionists,  and  never  to  cease  your  efforts  until 
perfect  liberty  be  granted  to  every  one  of  her  inhabitants,  the 
black  man  as  well  as  the  white  man.  We  are  all  children  of 
the  same  gracious  God ;  all  equally  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

We  are  told  that  you  possess  great  power,  both  moral  and 
political,  in  America.  We  entreat  you  to  exercise  that  power 
and  that  influence  for  the  sake  of  humanity. 

You  will  not  witness  the  horrors  of  slavery  in  all  the  States 
of  America.  Thirteen  of  them  are  free,  and  thirteen  are  slave 
States.  But  in  all,  the  pro-slavery  feeling,  though  rapidly 
decreasing,  is  still  strong.  Do  not  unite  with  it:  on  the  con¬ 
trary,  oppose  it  by  all  the  peaceful  means  in  your  power.  Join 
with  the  abolitionists  every  where.  They  are  the  only 
consistent  advocates  of  liberty.  Tell  every  man  that  you  do 
not  understand  liberty  for  the  white  man,  and  slavery  for  the 
blAck  man;  that  you  are  for  liberty  for  all,  of  every  color, 
creed,  and  country. 

The  American  citizen  proudly  points  to  the  National  Decla¬ 
ration  of  Independence,  which  declares  that  all  mankind  are 
born  free  and  equal,  and  are  alike  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness.  Aid  him  to  carry  out  this  noble 
declaration,  bv  obtaining  freedom  for  the  slave. 

Irishmen  and  Irishwomen !  treat  the  colored  people  as  your 
equals,  as  brethren.  By  all  your  memories  of  Ireland,  con¬ 
tinue  to  love  liberty — hate  slavery — CLING  BY  the  aboltion- 
ISTS — and  in  America  you  will  do  honor  to  the  name  of  Ireland. 

[Signed  by]  Daniel  O’Connell, 

Theobald  Mathew. 

And  sixty  thousand  other  inhabitants  of  Ireland. 


LETTER  FROM  JAMES  IIAUGHTON,  ESG. 

To  Irishmen  in  America  : 

Countrymen  : — My  heart  often  prompts  me  to  address  you 
in  a  few  words  of  kindly  remonstrance.  I  wish  you  so  to  con¬ 
duct  yourselves  in  the  distant  land  you  have  made  your  home, 
as  that  your  conduct  may  reflect  honor  on  the  loved  country 
you  have  left  behind  you,  and  cause  you  to  be  really  respected 
by  the  people  among  whom  you  now  dwell.  These  advantages 
can  be  secured  only  by  a  steady  adherence,  on  your  part,  to 


4 


3 


l  1(1/1  V 


the  principles  of  truth  and  honor,  which  you  should  make  the 
guiding  star  of  your  life. 

You  love  liberty  for  yourselves.  Be  consistent  in  your  ad¬ 
vocacy  of  this  universal  right  of  the  human  race  ;  and  claim  it 
as  the  inalienable  privilege  of  all  men, — of  the  colored  man,  as 
well  as  the  white  man. 

I  fear  too  many  of  you  have  forgotten  your  duty,  in  this  re¬ 
spect,  and  that  thus  the  fame  of  Ireland — which  we  should 
shield  from  the  breath  of  dishonor — is  sullied  in  the  eyes  of 
those  who  should  only  see  reflected  in  your  conduct,  evidence 
of  the  firm  determination  of  your  countrymen  to  stand  fast  by 
the  noble  principles  of  Christian  rectitude. 

In  the  twelfth  century,  the  synod  of  Armagh  proclaimed 
liberty  to  every  captive  in  Ireland,  and  since  then,  a  slave  has 
never  polluted  our  green  isle. 

Remember  the  faithfulness  of  O’Connell.  Let  his  memorv, 
which  is  embalmed  in  many  of  our  hearts,  and  his  whole  life, 
which  was  a  consistent  course  in  favor  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  be  a  beacon-light  guiding  you  in  your  career.  Demand, 
as  he  did,  that  freedom  for  all  which  you  claim  as  your  own 
birthright. 

Thus,  and  thus  alone,  can  you  secure  true  respect  for  your¬ 
selves,  and  cause  the  stranger  to  say  of  your  country,  “  If  I 
were  not  an  American,  I  should  be  proud  to  be  an  Irishman.” 

By  all  your  pleasant  memories  of  Ireland;  by  hef  glorious 
mountains  and  her  beautiful  valleys;  by  her  verdant  plains, 
which  are  watered  by  the  streams  in  which  you  loved  Jo  dis¬ 
port  yourselves  in  childhood ;  by  your  love  of  these  things; 
by  your  affection  for  your  kindred  and  friends,  and  by  your 
reverence  for  almighty  God, — I  appeal  to  you,  and  I  ask  you 
to  love  your  fellow-men  of  all  complexions  and  of  all  creeds, 
and  to  demand  for  them  all,  the  exact  measure  of  justice  you 
claim  for  yourselves. 

The  sad  moan  of  four  millions  of  slaves  comes  across  the 
broad  ocean,  and  it  sounds  painfully  in  our  ears.  I  a^k  you 
to  aid  in  turning  their  sorrow  into  joy^to  aid  in  enabling 
the  fathers  and  mothers  of  the  colored  race  in  America  to  clasp 
their  little  ones,  and  feel  all  the  happiness  and  all  the'respon- 
sibility  of  being  their  guardians  arid  their  guides,  from  infancy 
up  to  manhood.  Turn  not  a  deaf  ear  to  the  cry  of  the  slave, 
but  let  him  feel,  in  future  and  for  evermore,  that  in  every  Irish¬ 
man  he  has  a  friend. 

Whatever  may  be  your  rank  or  condition  in  the  land  of  your 
adoption,  believe  me,  countrymen,  you  can  only  acquire  and 
maintain  an  honorable  reputation  there,  by  such  a  course  of 


>1  in 

i  / 


4 


Y  f  li  l 

\\  HI  l  conduct  as  I  recommend  ;  and  whatever  may  be  your  practice, 
whether  in  consonance  with,  or  in  opposition  to  these  sentiments, 
I  feel  assured  that  you  will  say  in  your  hearts,  “  He  is  right.” 
I  entreat  you  to  act  manfully  in  accordance  with  your  convic¬ 
tions,  and  I  beg  to  subscribe  myself, 

Faithfully  yours, 

James  Haughton. 


Dublin,  35  E<;cles  Street. 


SLAVERY  NOT  A  DEBATABLE  QUESTION. 

An  American  gentleman  waited  upon  me  this  morning,  and 
I  asked  him,  with  some  anxiety,  “  What  part  of  America  do 
you  come  from?”  “I  came  from  Boston.  ”  “  Do  me  the 

honor  to  shake  hands.  You  came  from  a  State  that  has  never 
been  tarnished  with  slavery — a  State  to  which  our  ancestors 
fled  from  the  tyranny  of  England,  and  the  worst  of  all  tyran¬ 
nies,  the  odious  attempt  to  interfere  between  a  man  and  his 
God ;  a  tyranny  that  I  have  in  principle  helped  to  put  down 
in  this  country,  and  wish  to  put  down  in  every  country  upon 
the  face  of  the  globe.  (Cheers.)  It  is  odious  and  insolent  to 
interfere  between  a  man  and  his  God  ;  to  fetter  with  law  the 
choice  which  the  conscience  makes  of  its  mode  of  adoring  the 
eternal  and  adorable  God.  I  cannot  talk  of  toleration,  be¬ 
cause  It  supposes  that  a  boon  has  been  given  to  a  human 
being,  in  allowing  him  to  have  his  conscience  free.  (Cheers.) 
It  was  in  that  struggle,”  I  said,  “  that  your  fathers  left  Eng¬ 
land,  and  I  rejoice  to  see  an  American  from  Boston  ;  but  I 
should  be  sorry  to  be  contaminated  by  the  touch  of  a  man 
from  those  States  where  shivery  is  continued.”  (Cheers.) 
“Oh,”  said  he,  “you  are  alluding  to  slavery  :  though  I  am  no 
advocate  for  it,  yet  if  you  will  allow  me,  I  will  discuss  that 
question  with  you.”  I  replied,  that  if  a  man  should  propose 
to  me  a  discussion  on  the  propriety  of  picking  pockets,  I 
would  t.urn  him  out  of  my  study,  for  fear  he  should  carry  his 
theory  into  practice.  (Laughter  and  cheers.)  “  And,  mean¬ 
ing  you  no  sort  of  offence,”  I  added,  “  which  I  cannot  mean  to 
a  gentleman  who  does  me  the  honor  to  pay  me  a  civil  visit,  I 
would  as  soon  discuss  the  one  question  with  you  as  the  other.” 
The  one  is  a  paltry  theft : 

“Who  steals  my  purse,  steals  trash;  'tis  something,  nothing; 

;Twas  mine,  'tis  his,  and  has  been  slave  to  thousands”-— 


5 


Ml  I /II 

but  he  who  thinks  he  can  vindicate  the  possession  of  one  hu¬ 
man  being  by  another — the  sale  of  soul  and  body — the  ^ep-  ( 
aration  of  father  and  mother — the  taking  of  the  mother  from 
the  infant  at  her  breast,  and  selling  the  one  .to  one  master  and 
the  other  to  another — is  a  man  whom  I  will  not  answer  with 
words — nor  yet  with  blows,  for  the  time  for  the  latter  has  not 
yet  come.  (Cheers.) — Daniel  O’Connell. 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  SPEECHES  OF  O’CONNELL. 

I  now  come  to  America,  the  boasted  land  of  freedom  ;  and 
here  I  find  slavery,  which  they  not  only  tolerate  but  extend, 
justified  and  defended  as  a  legacy  left  them  by  us.  It  is  but 
too  true.  But  I  would  say  unto  them,  you  threw  off  the  alle¬ 
giance  you  owed  us,  because  you  thought  we  were  oppressing 
you  with  the  Stamp  Act.  'You  boasted  of  your  deliverance 
from  slavery.  On  what  principle,  then,  do  you  now  continue 
your  fellow-men  in  bondage,  and  render  that  bondage  even 
more  galling  by  ringing  in  the  ears  of  the  sufferers  from  your 
tyranny,  what  you  have  done,  what  you  have  suffered,  for  free¬ 
dom  ?  They  may  retaliate  upon  us.  They  may  reply  by  allu¬ 
sions  to  the  slaveries  we  have  established  or  encouraged.  But 
what  would  be  thought  of  that  man  who  should  attempt  to 
justify  the  crime  of  sheep-stealing,  by  alleging  that  another 
stole  sheep  too?  Would  such  a  defence  be  listened  to?  Oh, 
no  ;  and  I  will  say  unto  you,  freemen  of  America,  and  the  press 
will  convey  it  to  you  almost  as  swift  as  the  wind,  that  God  un¬ 
derstands  you ;  that  you  are  hypocrites,  tyrants,  and  unjust 
men ;  that  you  are  degraded  and  dishonored ;  and  I  say  unto 
you,  dare  not  to  stand  up  boasting  of  your  freedom  or  your 
privileges,  while  you  continue  to  treat  men,  redeemed  by  the 
same  blood,  as  the  mere  creatures  of  your  will ;  for  while  you 
do  so,  there  is  a  blot  on  your  escutcheon  which  all  the  wraters 

of  the  Atlantic  cannot  wash  out. 

******* 

Of  all  men  living,  an  American  citizen,  who  is  the  owner  of 
slaves,  is  the  most  despicable ;  he  is  a  political  hypocrite  of  the 
very  worst  description.  The  friends  of  humanity  and  liberty, 
in  Europe,  should  join  in  one  universal  cry  of  shame  on  the 
American  slaveholders?  “  Base  wretches,”  should  we  shout 
in  chorus — “  base  wretches,  how  dare  you  profane  the  temple 
of  national  freedom,  the  sacred  fane  of  republican  rites,  with 


6 


\ 


t 


the  presence  and  the  sufferings  of  human  beings  in  chains  and 
,  slavery?” — Speech  delivered  at  an  Anti-Slavery  Meeting  in 

•  1829. 


I  speak  of  liberty  in  commendation.  Patriotism  is  a  virtue, 
but  it  can  be  .selfish.  Give  me  the  great  and  immortal  Bolivar, 
the  saviour  and  regenerator  of  his  country.  lie  found  her  a 
province,  and  he  has  made  her  a  nation.  His  first  act  was  to 
give  freedom  to  the  slaves  upon  his  own  estate.  (Hear,  hear.) 
In  Colombia,  all  castes  and  all  colors  are  free  and  unshackled. 
But  how  I  like  to  contrast  him  with  the  far-famed  northern 
heroes  !  George  Washington  !  that  great  and  enlightened 
character, — the  soldier  and  the  statesman, — had  but  one  blot 
upon  his  character.  He  had  slaves,  and  he  gave  them  liberty 
when  he  wanted  them  no  longer.  (Loud  cheers.)  Let  America, 
in  the  fullness  of  her  pride,  wave  on  high  her  banner  of  free¬ 
dom  and  its  blazing  stars.  I  point  to  her,  and  sav,  There  is 
one  foul  blot  upon  it ;  you  have  negro  slavery.  They  may  com¬ 
pare  their  struggles  for  freedom  to  Marathon  and  Leucti  a,  and 
point  to  the  rifleman  with  his  gun,  amidst  her  woods  and  forests, 
shouting  for  liberty  and  America.  In  the  midst  of  their 
laughter  and  their  pride,  I  point  them  to  the  negro  children 
screaming  for  the  mother  from  whose  bosom  they  have  been 
torn.  America,  it  is  a  foul  stain  upon  your  character  !  (Cheers.) 
This  conduct,  kept  up  by  men  who  had  themselves  to  struggle 
for  freedom,  is  doubly  unjust.  Let  them  hoist  the  flag  of 
liberty,  with  the  whip  and  rack  on  one  side,  and  the  star  of 
freedom  upon  the  other.  The  Americans  are  a  sensitive 
people  ;  in  fifty-four  years  they  have  increased  their  population 
from  three  millions  to  twenty  millions;  they  have  many  glories 
that  surround  them,  but  their  beams  are  partly  shorn,  for  they 
have  slaves.  (Cheers.)  Their  hearts  do  not  beat  so  strong 
for  liberty  as  mine.  *  *  *  *  I  will  call  for  justice,  in  the  name 
of  the  living  God,  and  I  shall  find  an  echo  in  the  breast  of 
every  human  being.  (Cheers.) — Speech  delivered  at  the  An¬ 
nual  Meeting  of  the  Cork  Anti-Slavery  Society,  1829. 

Ireland  and  Irishmen  should  be  foremost  in  seeking  to  effect 
the  emancipation  of  mankind.  (Cheers.)  ******  The 
Americans  alleged  that  they  had  not  perpetrated  the  crime, 
but  inherited  it  from  England.  This,  however,  fact  as  it  was, 
was -still  a  paltry  apology  for  America,  who  asserting  libei  ty 
for  herself,  still  used  the  brand  and  the  lash  against  others. 
(Hear.)  He  taunted  America  with  the  continuance  of  slavery  ; 
and  the  voice  with  which  he  there  uttered  the  taunt  would  be 
wafted  on  the  wings  of  the  press,  until  it  would  be  heard  in  the 
remote  wilds  of  America;  it  would  be  wafted  over  the  waters 


♦ 


r 


7 


i  tuur 

of  the  Missouri  and  those  of  the  Mississippi ;  and  even  the 
slaves  upon  the  distant  banks  of  the  Ohio  would  make  his  vords  { 
resound  in  the  ears  of  their  heartless  masters,  and  tell  them  to  € 
their  face,  that  they  were  the  victims  of  cruelty,  injustice,  and 
foul  oppression.  (Cheers.)  Bright  as  was  the  page  of  Ameri¬ 
can  history,  and  brilliant  as  was  the  emblazonment  of  her 
deeds,  still,  negro  slavery  was  a  black,  a  “  damning  spot”  upon 
it.  .Glorious  and  splendid  as  was  the  star-spangled  banner  of 
republican  America,  still  it  was  stained  with  the  deep,  foul 
blot  of  human  blood. — Speech  delivered  at  a  Meeting  of  the 
Dublin  Anti-  Slavery  Society ,  1830. 

Man  cannot  have  property  in.  man.  Slavery  is  a  nuisance, 
to  be  put  down,  not  to  be  compromised  with  ;  and  to  be  assailed 
without  cessation  and  without  mercy  by  every  blow  that  can 
be  leveled  at  the  monster.  *****  Let  general  principles 
be  asserted.  And  as  it  is  the  cause  of  religion  and  liberty,  all 
that  is  wanted  is  the  unwearied  repetition  of  zealous  advocacy 
to  make  it  certainly  triumphant.  Let  every  man,  then,  in 
whatever  position  he  may  be  placed,  do  his  duty  in  crushing 
that  hideous  tyranny,  which  rends  the  husband  from  the  wife, 
the  children  from  their  parents;  which  enables  one  human 
being,  at  his  uncontrolled  will,  to  apply  the  lash  to  the  back  of 
his  fellow-man. — Speech  delivered  at  the  London  Anti- Slavery 
Society ,  1830. 

We  are  responsible  for  what  we  do,  and  also  for  the  influence 
of  our  example.  Think  you  that  the  United  States  of  America 
would  be  able  to  hold  up  their  heads  among  the  nations, — the 
United  States,  who  shook  off  their  allegiance  to  their  sovereign, 
and  declared  that  it  was  the  right  of  every  man  to  enjoy  free¬ 
dom — of  every  man,  whether  black,  white,  or  red  ;  who  made 
this  declaration  before  the  God  of' armies,  and  then,  when  they 
had  succeeded  in  their  enterprise,  forgot  their  vow,  and  made 
slaves,  and  used  the  lash  and  the  chain, — would  they  dare  to 
take  their  place  among  the  nations,  if  it  were  not  that  Eng¬ 
land  countenances  them  in  the  practice  ? — Speech  delivered  at 
the  Greneral  Meeting  of  the  British  Anti- Slavery  Society ,  1831. 

My  claim  to  be  heard  on  this  occasion  is  included  in  one 
sentence—  I  am  an  Abolitionist.  (Cheering.)  I  am  for  speedy, 
immediate  abolition.  (Renewed  cheers.)  I  care  not  what 
caste,  creed,  or  color,  slavery  may  assume.  Whether  it  be  per¬ 
sonal  or  political,  mental  or  corporeal,  intellectual  or  spiritual, 

I  am  for  its  total,  its  instant  abolition.  (Great  applause.)  I 
enter  into  no  compromise  with  slavery.  I  am  for  justice,  in 
the  name  of  humanity,  and  according  to  the  law  of  the  living 
God. 

******* 


The  time  has  now  come,  when  every  man  who  has  honest 
feelings  should  declare  himself  the  advocate  of  abolition.  He 
who  consents  to  tolerate  crime  is  a  criminal ;  and  never  will  I 
lose  the  slightest  opportunity,  whether  here  or  in  the  legisla¬ 
ture,  or  any  where  else,  to  raise  my  voice  for  liberty, — for  the 
extinction  of  slavery.  (Great  applause.)  Humanity,  justice 
and  religion  combine  to  call  upon  us  to  abolish  this  foul  blot. 
But  it  is  not  England  or  Britain  alone  that  is  stained  with  this 
crime.  The  democratic  Republic  of  America  shares  in  the 
guilt.  Oh  !  the  inconsistency  of  these  apostles  of  liberty  talk¬ 
ing  of  freedom,  while  they  basely  and  wickedly  continue  the 
slavery  of  their  fellow-men,  the  negroes  of  Africa  !  A  repub¬ 
lican  is  naturally  proud  and  high-minded,  and  we  may  make 
the  pride  of  the  North  American  republicans  the  very  weapon 
by  which  to  break  down  slavery  ;  for,  if  the  example  of  Eng¬ 
land  were  gone,  they  could  not,  in  the  face  of  the  world,  con¬ 
tinue  the  odious  and  atrocious  system  one  moment  longer. 
(Cheers.)  Abolish  it  throughout  the  British  colonies,  and 
away  it  goes  in  America.  (Renewed  cheers.) 

vL/  O/  .1. 

^  ^  /p  /p  ST*  ^ 

Slavery  is  a  crime,  a  high  crime  against  Heaven,  and  its  an¬ 
nihilation  ought  not  to  be  postponed.  We  have  lately  heard 
a  good  deal  of  the  iniquity  of  the  East  Indi^  Company,  getting 
money  from  the  poor,  infatuated  wretches  who  throw#themselves 
beneath  the  wheel  of  Juggernaut’s  car.  This  is  lamentable 
indeed ;  but  what  care  I,  whether  the  instrument  of  torture 
be  a  wheel  or  a  lash  ?  (Applause.)  I  am  against  Jugger- 
gernaut,  both  in  the  East  Indies  and  West  Indies,  and  am 
determined,  therefore,  not  to  assist  in  perpetuating  slavery.  Is 
it  possible,  that  where  humanity,  benevolence  and  religion  are 
combined,  there  can  be  doubt  of  success  ?  The  priests  of 
Juggernaut  are  respectable  persons  compared  with  those  who 
oppose  such  a  combination,  (applause) ;  and  I  entreat  you  to 
assist  in  the  great  work  by  becoming  its  apostles. — Speech  de¬ 
livered  before  the  London  Anti-Slavery  Society ,  1831. 

I  will  now  go  to  America.  I  have  often  longed  to  go  there, 
in  reality ;  but  so  long  as  it  is  tarnished  by  slavery,  I  will  never 
pollute  my  foot  by  treading  on  its  shores.  (Cheers.)  In  the 
course  of  my  Parliamentary  duty,  a  few  days  ago,  I  had  to  ar¬ 
raign  the  conduct  of  the  despot  of  the  North,  for  his  cruelty  to 
the  men,  women  and  children,  of  Poland ;  and  I  spoke  of  him 
•with  the  execration  he  merits.  But,  I  confess,  that  although 
I  hate  him  with  as  much  hatred  as  one  Christian  man  can  hate 
another  human  being,  viz. :  I  detest  his  actions  with  abhor¬ 
rence,  unutterable  and  indescribable ;  yet  there  is  a  climax  in 


9 


my  hatred.  1  would  adopt  the  language  of  the  poet,  but  re¬ 
verse  the  imagery,  and  say, 

“  In  the  deepest  hell,  there  is  a  depth  still  more  profound,” 

and  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  conduct  of  the  American  slave¬ 
owners.  (Cheers).  They  are  the  basest  of  the  base — the  most 
execrable  of  the  execrable.  I  thank  God,  that  upon  the  wings 
of  the  press,  the  voice  of  so  humble  an  individual  as  myself 
will  pass  against  the  western  breeze — that  it  will  reach  the 
rivers,  the  lakes,  the  mountains,  and  the  glens  of  America — 
and  that  the  friends  of  liberty  there  will  sympathize  with  me, 
and  rejoice  that  I  here  tear  down  the  image  of  Liberty  from 
the  recreant  hand  of  America,  and  condemn  her  as  the  vilest 
of  hypocrites — the  greatest  of  liars.  (Long  continued  cheers.) 

When  this  country  most  unjustly  and  tyrannically  oppressed 
its  colonies,  and  insisted  that  a  Parliament  of  borough-mongers 
in  Westminster  should  have  the  power  of  putting  their  long 
fingers  across  the  Atlantic  into  the  pockets  of  the.  Americans, 
taking  out  as  much  as  they  pleased,  and,  if  they  found  any¬ 
thing,  leaving  what  residuum  they  chose — America  turned  round, 
and  appealed  to  justice,  and  she  was  right;  appealed  to  hu¬ 
manity,  and  she  was  right ;  appealed  to  her  own  brave  sword, 
and  she  was  right,  and  I  glory  in  it.  At  that  awful  period, 
when  America  was  exciting  all  the  nations  of  the  world  ;  when 
she  was  declaring  her  independence,  and  her  inhabitants 
pledged  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor,  and 
invoked  the  God  of  charity  (whom  they  foolishly  called  the 
God  of  battles,  which  he  is  not,  any  more  than  he  is  the  God 
of  murder) — at  that  awful  period,  when  they  laid  the  foundation 
of  their  liberty,  they  began  with  these  words  :  “We  hold  these 
truths  to  be  self-evident ;  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that 
they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  wdth  certain  inalienable 
rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.”  Thus  the  American  has  acknowledged  what  he 
cannot  deny,  viz.,  that  God  the  Creator  has  endowed  man  with 
those  inalienable  rights.  But  it  is  not  the  white  man,  it  is  not 
the  copper-colored  man,  nor  is  it  the  black  man  alone,  who  is 
thus  endowed ;  it  is  all  men  who  are  possessed  of  these  in¬ 
alienable  rights.  The  man,  however,  who  cannot  vote  in  any 
State  assembly  without  admitting  this  as  the  foundation  of  his 
liberty,  has  the  atrocious  injustice,  the  murderous  injustice,  to 
trample  upon  these  inalienable  rights ;  as  it  were,  to  attempt 
to  rob  the  Creator  of  his  gifts,  and  to  appropriate  to  himself 
his  brother  man,  as  if  he  could  be  his  slave.  (Cheers.)  Shame 


10 


be  upon  America  !  eternal  shame  be  upon  her  escutcheon  I 
(Loud  cheers.) 

Shortly  there-  will  not  be  a  slave  in  the  British  colonies. 
Five  lines  in  an  Act  of  Parliament,  the  other  night,  liberated 
nearly  500,000  slaves  in  the  East  Indies,  at  a  single  blow. 
The  West  Indians  will  be  obliged  to  grant  emancipation,  in 
spite  of  the  paltry  attempts  to  prevent  it ;  and  we  will  then 
turn  to  America,  and  to  every  part  of  Europe,  and  require 
emancipation.  (Cheers.)  No!  they  must  not  think  that  they 
can  boast  of  their  republican  institutions — that  they  can  talk 
of  their  strength  and  their  glory.  Unless  they  abolish  slavery, 
they  must  write  themselves  down  liars,  or  call  a  general  con¬ 
vention  of  the  States,  and  blot  out  the  first  sentence  of  their 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  write  in  its  place,  ‘‘Liberty 
in  America  means  the  power  to  flog  slaves,  and  to  work  them 
for  nothing.”  (Loud  applause.)  *  *  *  * 

The  voice  of  Europe  will  proclaim  the  slave’s  deliverance, 
and  will  say  to  him,  “Shed  no  blood,  but  take  care  that  your 
blood  be  not  shed.”  I  tell  the  American  slave-owner,  that 
he  shall  not  have  silence ;  for,  humble  as  I  am,  and  feeble  as 
my  voice  may  be,  yet  deafening  the  sound  of  the  westerly 
wave,  and  riding  against  the  blast  as  thunder  goes,  it  shall 
reach  America,  telling  the  black  man  that  the  time  for  his 
emancipation  has  come,  and  the  oppressor  that  the  period  of 
his  injustice  is  soon  to  terminate!  (Cheers.) — Speech  de¬ 
livered  at  the  Grreat  Anti- Colonization  Meeting  in  London , 
1833. 

Mr.  O’Connell  presented  himself  to  the  meeting,  amid  the 
most  enthusiastic  cheers.  After  some  remarks  of  a  general 
nature,  the  Hon.  and  learned  gentleman  proceeded  to  speak  in 
terms  of  severe  censure  of  the  conduct  of  the  Americans,  in 
continuing  to  keep  in  bondage  the  black  population  in  many 
of  their  States.  He  did  not  wronder  at  the  death  plagues  of 
New  Orleans,  or  the  devastation  of  its  people,  many  of  whom 
enjoyed  health  and  vigor  at  morn,  and  were  lifeless  at  noon, 
when  they  had  committed  or  countenanced  crimes  which  could 
only  be  registered  with  the  annals  of  Nicholas  and  the  curses 
of  Poland. 

The  Hon.  and  learned  gentleman  read  several  extracts  from 
an  American  slaveholding  Act,  in  which  it  was  enjoined  that 
no  judge,  legislative  member,  barrister  or  preacher,  should 
speak  or  write  anything  against  slavery,  under  the  pain  of 
being  sentenced  to  not  less  than  three  years,  and  not  more 
than  twenty-one  years’  imprisonment,  or  death,  at  the  discre¬ 
tion  of  the  court ! ! !  And  that  no  American  should  teach  a 


11 


slave  to  read  or  write,  under  the  pain  of  not  less  than  three 
months,  and  not  more  ’than  twelve  months’  imprisonment. 
(Hear,  hear.)  The  Hon.  and  learned  gentleman  flung  this 
black  d^honor  on  the  star-spangled  banner  of  America — in 
vain  did  it  wave  over  every  sea,  proclaiming  the  honor  of  the 
boasted  republic  of  modern  times — those  who  fought  under  it 
were  felons  to  the  human  race,  (hear,  hear,)  traitors  to  liberty, 
to  their  own  honor,  and  blasphemers  of  the  Almighty.  “The 
red  arm  of  God,”  continued  the  Hon.  and  learned  gentleman, 
“is  bared;  and  let  the  enemies  of  those  whom  his  Son  died  to 
save,  the  black  man  as  well  as  the  white  man,  beware  of  its 
vengeance!  The  lightning  careers  through  the  troubled  air 
resistless,  amidst  the  howling  of  the  tempest  and  rolling  of  the 
thunder.  Oh,  for  one  moment  of  poetic  inspiration,  that  my 
words,  wTith  the  fire  of  indignation  with  wdiich  my  bosom  burns, 
may  be  borne  on  the  western  breeze  across  the  wide  Atlantic, 
light  on  their  shores,  reverberate  among  their  mountains,  and 
be  wafted  down  the  rivers  of  America!” — Speech  delivered  at 
an  Anti-Slavery  Meeting  in  London ,  1835. 

He  had  given  the  Americans  some  severe  but  merited  re¬ 
proofs  ;  for  which  they  had  paid  him  wrages  in  abuse  and  scur¬ 
rility.  He  was  satisfied  that  they  had  done  so.  He  wras  ac¬ 
customed  to  receive  such  wages  in  return  for  his  labors.  He 
had  never  done  good  but  he  was  vilified  for  his  pains;  and  he 
felt  that  he  could  not  sleep  soundly  were  such  opponents  to 
cease  abusing  him.  (Cheers.)  He  would  continue  to  earn 
such  wages.  (Cheers.)  By  the  blessing  of  God,  he  would  yet 
trample  on  the  serpent  of  slave-owming  cupidity,  and  triumph 
over  the  hiss  cf  the  foul  reptile,  which  marked  its  agony,  and 
excited  his  contempt.  The  Americans,  in  their  conduct  toward 
their  slaves,  were  traitors  to  the  cause  of  human  liberty,  and 
foul  detractors  of  the  democratic  principle,  which  he  had  cher¬ 
ished  throughout  his  political  life,  and  blasphemers  of  that 
great  and  sacred  name  which  they  pretended  to  reverence.  In 
reprobation  of  their  disgraceful  conduct,  his  public  voice  had 
been  heard  across  the  wide  Atlantic.  Like  the  thunder-storm 
in  its  strength,  it  had  careered  against  the  breeze,  armed  writh 
the  lightning  of  Christian  truth.  (Great  cheering.)  And,  let 
them  seek  to  repress  it  as  they  may;  let  them  murder  and  as¬ 
sassinate  in  the  true  spirit  of  lynch  law;  the  storm  would  wax 
louder  and  louder  around  them,  till  the  claims  of  justice  be¬ 
came  too  strong  to  be  withstood,  and  the  black  man  would 
stand  up,  too  big  for  his  chains.  It  seemed,  indeed — lie  hoped 
what  he  was  about  to  say  was  not  profanation — as  if  the  curse 
of  the  Almighty  had  already  overtaken  them.  For  the  first 


12 


time  in  their  political  history,  disgraceful  tumult  and  anarchy 
had  been  witnessed  in  their  cities.  Blood  had  been  shed  with¬ 
out  the  sanction  of  law,  and  even  Sir  Robert  Peel  had  been 
enabled — but  he  was  here  in  danger  of  becoming  political. 
(Cries  of  No,  no — Go  op,  and  cheers.)  Well,  then,  even  Sir 
Robert  Peel  had  been  enabled  to  taunt  the  Americans  with 
gross  inconsistency  and  lawless  proceedings.  He  differed  from 
Sir  Robert  Peel  on  many  points.  (Laughter.)  Every  body 
knew  that.  (Renewed  laughter.)  It  was  no  doubt  presump¬ 
tion  in  him  to  differ  from  so  great  a  man,  but  yet  such  was  the 
fact.  (Laughter.)  On  one  point,  however,  he  fully  agreed 
with  him.  Let  the  proud  Americans  learn,  that  all  parties  in 
this  country  unite  in  condemnation  of  their  conduct ;  and  let 
them  also  learn  that  the  worst  of  all  aristocracies  is  that  which 
prevails  in  America — an  aristocracy  which  had  been  aptly  de¬ 
nominated  that  of  the  human  skin.  The  most  insufferable 
pride  was  that  shown  by  such  an  aristocracy.  And  yet  he 
must  confess  that  he  could  not  understand  such  pride.  He 
could  understand  the  pride  of  noble  descent.  He  could  under¬ 
stand  why  a  man  should  plume  himself  on  the  success  of  his 
ancestors  in  plundering  the  people  some  centuries  ago.  He 
could  understand  the  pride  arising  from  immense  landed  pos¬ 
sessions.  He  could  even  understand  the  pride  of  wealth,  the 
fruit  of  honest  and  careful  industry.  Yet  when  he  thought  of 
the  color  of  the  skin  making  men  aristocratic,  he  felt  his  as¬ 
tonishment  to  vie  with  his  contempt.  Many  a  white  skin  cov¬ 
ered  a  black  heart ;  yet  an  aristocrat  of  the  skin  was  the 
proudest  of  the  proud.  Republicans  were  proverbially  proud, 
and  therefore  he  delighted  to  taunt  the  Americans  with  the  su¬ 
perlative  meanness,  as  well  as  injustice,  of  their  assumed  airs 
of  superiority  over  their  black  fellow-citizens.  (Cheers.)  He 
would  continue  to  hurl  his  taunts  across  the  Atlantic.  And, 
oh ! — but  perhaps  it  was  his  pride  that  dictated  the  hope — that 
some  black  O’Connell  might  rise  among  his  fellow  slaves,  (tre¬ 
mendous  cheers,)  who  would  cry,  Agitate,  agitate,  (renewed 
cheering,)  till  the  two  millions  and  a  half  of  his  fellow-suffer¬ 
ers  learned  the  secret  of  their  strength — learned  that  they 
were  two  millions  and  a  half.  (Enthusiastic  cheers.)  If  there 
wras  one  thing  which  more  than  another  could  excite  his  hatred,  it 
wTas  the  laws  which  the  Americans  had  framed  to  prevent  the 
instruction  of  their  slaves.  To  be  seen  in  company  with  a 
negro  who  could  write,  was  visited  with  imprisonment,  (shame !) 
and  to  teach  a  slave  the  principles  of  freedom  was  punished 
with  death.  Were  these  human  laws,  it  might  be  asked?  Were 
they  not  laws  made  by  the  wolves  of  the  forest? — No — they 


13 


were  made  by  a  congregation  of  two-legged  wolves — American 
wolves — monsters  in  human  shape,  who  boast  of  their  liberty  • 
and  of  their  humanity,  while  they  carry  the  hearts  of  .tigers 
within  them.  (Cheers.) — Speech  delivered  at  the  Presentation 
of  the  Emancipation  Society' s  Address  to  Mr.  O'Connell ,  1835. 

I  hate  slavery  in  all  countries — the  slavery  of  the  Poles  in 
Russia  under  their  miscreant  tyrant,  and  the  slavery  of  the 
unfortunate  men  of  color  under  their  fellow-men,  the  boasted 

I  * 

friends  of  liberty  in  the  United  States.  Let  the  slave  leap  up 
for  joy  when  he  hears  of  the  meeting  of  this  day  (cheers) ;  let 
him  have  the  prospect  of  freedom  to  cheer  him  in  the  decline 
of  life.  (Cheers.)  We  ought  to  make  our  exertions  strongly, 
immediately,  and  unanimously.  (Cheers.)  Remember  what 
is  taking  place  elsewhere.  Only  cast  your  eye  across  the  At¬ 
lantic,  and  see  what  is  taking  place  on  the  American  shores. 
(Cheers.)  Behold  those  pretended  sons  of  freedom — those  who 
declared  that  every  man  was  equal  in  the  presence  of  *his  God 
— that  every  man  had  an  inalienable  right  to  liberty — behold 
them  making,  in  the  name  of  honor,  their  paltry  honor,  an 
organized  resistance  in  Southern  Slave  States  against  the  ad¬ 
vocates  of  emancipation.  Behold  them  aiding  in  the  robbery 
committed  on  an  independent  State.  See  how  they  have  seized 
upon  the  territory  of  Texas,  taking  it  from  Mexico,  Mexico 
having  totally  abolished  slavery  without  apprenticeship,  (loud 
cheers,)  in  order  to  make  it  &  new  market  for  slavery.  (Shame !) 
Remember  how  they  have  stolen,  cheated,  swindled,  robbed 
that  country,  for  the  audacious  and  horrible  purpose  of  perpet¬ 
uating  negro  slavery.  (Cries  of  “  Shame  !”)  Remember  that 
there  is  now  a  treaty  on  foot,  in  contemplation  at  least,  be¬ 
tween  the  Texans  and  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  it  is  only  postponed  till  this  robbery  of  Texas  from  Mexico 
can  be  completed.  Oh  !  raise  the  voice  of  humanity  against 
these  horrible  crimes  !  (Cheers.)  There  is  about  republicans 
a  sentiment  of  pride — a  feeling  of  self-exaltation.  Let  us  tell 
these  republicans,  that  instead  of  their  being  the  highest  in  the 
scale  of  humanity,  they  are  the  basest  of  the  base,  the  vilest 
of  the  vile.  (Tremendous  cheers.)  My  friends,  there  is  a 
community  of  sentiment  all  over  the  world,  borne  on  the  wings 
of  the  press ;  and  what  the  humble  individual  who  is  now  ad¬ 
dressing  you  may  state,  will  be  carried  across  the  waves  of  the 
Atlantic;  it  will  go  up  the  Missouri — it  will  be  wafted  along 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi — it  will  reach  infernal  Texas  itself. 
(Immense  cheering.)  And  though  that  pandemonium  may 
scream  at  the  sound,  they  shall  suffer  from  the  lash  of  human 
indignation  applied  to  their  horrible  crime.  (Cheers.)  If  they 


14 


are  not  arrested  in  their  career  of  guilt,  four  new  States  in 
America  will  be  filled  with  slaves.  Oh,  hideous  breeders  of 
human  beings  for  slavery  !  Such  are  the  horrors  of  that  sys¬ 
tem  in  the  American  States,  that  it  is  impossible,  in  this 
presence,  to  describe  them  ;  the  mind  is  almost  polluted  by 
thinking  of  them.  Should  the  measures  now  contemplated  by 
the  Americans  be  accomplished,  these  horrors  will  be  increased 
fou'fold;  and  men,  with  frhe  human  soul  degraded,  will  be  in  a 
worse  state  even  than  the  physical  degradation  of  human  bodies. 
(Cheers.)  What  have  we  to  look  to  ?  Their  honor — their 
generosity!  We  must  expect  nothing  from  their  generosity. 
(Cheers.)  Sir,  I  cannot  restrain  myself.  It  was  only  the  other 
day,  I  read  a  letter  in  The  Morning  Chronicle ,  from  their 
Philadelphia  correepondent.  A  person,  whose  Indian  name  I 
forget,  (a  voice,  “  Osceola,”)  but  who  was  called  Powell,  had 
carried  on  a  war  at  the  head  of  the  Seminoles,  and  other 
Florida  tribes,  against  the  people  of  Florida.  lie  behaved 
nobly,  and  bravely  fought  for  his  country;  and  he  would  have 
been  deified  as  a  hero  had  he  fought  in  a  civilized  nation,  and 
testimonials  would  have  been  reared  to  commemorate  his  deeds, 
as  great  and  numerous ’as  those  which  have  been  raised  to  a 
Napoleon  or  a  Wellington.  Put  what  happens  to  this  'warrior? 
Why,  these  Americans,  having  made  a  truce  with  him,  invited 
him  to  a  conference.  Fie  comes  under  the  protection  of  that 
trace.  Thus  confiding  in  their  honor,  is  he  allowed  to  return  ? 
Oh  no  !  He  is  not  allowed  to  return,  but  is  taken  prisoner, 
and  carried  captive  to  the  fort.  (Shame,  shame!)  Oh,  cry 
out  shame,  and  let  that  cry  be  heard  across  the  waves  of  the 
mighty  ocean  !  (Cheers.)  We  are  the  teachers  of  humanity, 
we  are  the  friends  of  humanity.  What  does  it  signify  to  us, 
that  the  crime  is  not  committed  on  British  soil !  Wherever  it 
is  committed,  we  are  its  enemies.  (Cheers.)  The  American, 
it  is  true,  boasts  of  having  been  the  first  to  abolish  the  slave 
trade  carried  on  in  foreign  vessels.  Why,  he  was.  But  what 
was  the  consequence  ?  Every  one  of  his  own  slaves  at  home 
was  made  of  more  value  to  him.  It  was  a  swindling  humanity. 
It  was  worse  than  our  twenty  mill’ons  scheme.  It  had  the 
guise  of  humanity,  but  had  really  the  spirit  of  avarice  and 
oppression.  (Cheers.)  I,  perhaps,  ought  to  apologize  for 
detaining  you  (No,  no  !  Go  on  !) ;  but  we  are  all  children  of  the 
same  Creator,  heirs  to  the  same  promise,  purchased  by  the 
blood  of  the  same  Redeemer,  and  what  signifies  of  what  caste, 
color  or  creed  we  may  be?  (Cheers.)  It  is  our  duty  to  pro¬ 
claim  that  the  cause  of  the  negro  is  our  cause,  and  that  we  will 
insist  upon  doing  away,  to  the  best  of  our  human  ability  the 


15 


stain  of  slavery,  not  only  from  every  portion  of  this  mighty 
empire,  but  from  the  face  of  the  whole  earth.  (Cheers.)  If 
there  he  in  the  huts  of  Africa,  or  amidst  the  swamps  of  Texas, 
a  human  being  panting  for  liberty,  let  it  be  proclaimed  to  him 
that  he  has  friends  and  supporters  among  the  great  British 
nation.  (Cheers.) — Speech  delivered  at  a  Public  Meeting  of 
Anti- Slavery  Delegates  in  London ,  1837. 

It  is  utterly  impossible  that  any  thing  should  exist  more 
horrible  than  the  American  slave-breeding.  The  history  of  it 
is  this  :  The  Americans  abolished  the  foreign  slave  trade  earlier 
than  England,  but  with  this  consolation — no  small  comfort  to 
so  money-loving  a  race  as  the  slaveholders — that  by  such 
abolition,  they  enhanced  the  price  of  the  slaves  then  in  America, 
by  stopping  the  competition  in  the  home  market  of  newly  im¬ 
ported  slaves.  Why,  otherwise,  wTas  not  the  home  trade  stopped 
as  well  as  the  foreign  ?  The  reply  is  obvious. 

To  supply  the  home  slave  trade,  an  abominable,  a  most 
hideous,  most  criminal,  and  most  revolting  practice  of  breed¬ 
ing  negroes  exclusively  for  sale,  has  sprung  up,  and  especially, 
we  are  told,  in  Virginia.  There  are  breeding  plantations  for 
producing  negroes,  as  there  are  with  us  breeding  farms  for  pro¬ 
ducing  calves  and  lambs.  And  as  our  calf  and  lamb  breeders 
calculate  the  number  of  males  of  the  flock  to  the  females,  simi¬ 
lar  calculations  are  made  by  the  traffickers  in  human  flesh. 
One  instance  was  mentioned  to  me  of  a  human  breeding  farm 
in  America,  which  was  supplied  with  two  men  and  twelve 
women.  Why  should  I  pollute  my  page  with  a  description  of 
all  that  is  immoral  and  infamous  in  such  practice  ?  But  only 
think  of  the  wretched  mothers,  whom  nature  compels  to  love 
their  children — children  torn  from  them  for  ever,  just  at  the 
period  that  they  could  requite  their  mother’s  love !  The 
wretched,  wretched  mother  1  Who  can  depict  the  mother’s 
distraction  and  madness?  “But  their  maternal  feelings  are,’” 
says  a  modern  writer,  “  treated  with  as  much  contemptuous 
indifference,  as  those  of  the  cows  and  ewes  whose  calves  and 
lambs  are  sent  to  the  English  market.” 

That  it  is  which  stains  the  character  of  the  American  slave¬ 
holder,  and  leaves  the  breeder  of  slaves  the  most  detestable  of 
human  beings ;  especially  when  that  slayeholder  is  a  republi¬ 
can,  boasting  of  freedom,  shouting  for  liberty,  and  declaring, 
as  the  charter  of  his  liberal  institutions,  these  are  self-evident 
truths,  “  that  all  men  are  created  equal — that  they  are  endowed 
by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights — that  among 
these  rights  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.” 

My  sole  object  in  my  speech  at  Birmingham,  and  present 


16 


object,  is  to  rouse  the  attention  of  England  and  of  Europe  to 
all  that  is  cruel,  criminal,  and,  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  in¬ 
famous,  in  the  system  of  negro  slavery  in  North  America.  My 
deliberate  conviction  is,  that  until  that  system  is  abolished,  no 
American  slaveholder  ought  to  be  received  on.  a  footing  of 
equality  by  any  of  the  civilized  inhabitants  of  Europe. — Let¬ 
ter  of  Mr.  O'Connell  to  the  Editor  of  the  London  Morning 
Chronicle ,  1838. 

I  have  no  superfluous  tears  to  shed  for  Ireland,  and  shall 
show  my  love  of  my  country  by  continuing  my  exertions  to  ob¬ 
tain  for  her  justice  and  good  government;  but  I  feel  that  I 
have  something  Irish  at  my  heart,  which  makes  me  sympathize 
with  all  those  who  are  suffering  under  oppression,  and  forces 
me  to  give  to  universal  man  the  benefit  of  the  exertions  which 
are  the  consequence.  (Cheers.)  And  what  adds  peculiarly  to 
the  claim  of  Ireland  for  sympathy  and  support  is,  that  in  the 
great  cause  of  suffering  humanity,  no  voice  was  ever  raised,  but 
Ireland  was  found  ready  to  afford  relief  and  succor. — Speech 
delivered  at  a  Meeting  of  the  British  India  Society ,  London , 
1839. 

He  then  came  to  North  America,  and  there,  thank  God,  he 
found  much  reason  for  congratulation.  There  were  now  pre¬ 
sent  forty  representatives  of  American  Abolition  Societies  to 
aid  them  in  the  great  struggle  for  human  liberty.  Let  them 
be  honored,  in  proportion  as  the  slave-holders  were  execrated. 
Oh !  they  had  a  hard  battle  to  fight  !  In  place  of  being 
honored  as  they  were  in  this  land,  they  had  to  encounter  cool¬ 
ness  and  outrage ;  the  bowie-knife  and  lynch  law  threatened 
them ;  they  were  Abolitionists  at  the  risk  of  their  lives. 
(Cheers.)  Glory  to  them  !  A  year  or  two  since,  he  made 
some  observations  upon  the  conduct  of  the  American  Minister  ; 
he  charged  him  with  breeding  slaves  for  sale ;  he  denied  it ; 
and,  in  order  to  prove  who  was  right,  he  sent  him  [Mr.  O’Con¬ 
nell]  a  challenge  to  fight  a  duel.  (Laughter.)  He  did  not 
accept  it.  Nothing  would  ever  induce  him  to  commit  murder. 
God  had  forbidden  it,  and  he  would  obey  him.  (Cheers.)  The 
American  Minister  denied  the  charge,  but  he  admitted  that  he 
had  slaves,  and  he  admitted  that  he  did  afterwards  sell  some  ; 
so  let  him  have  the  benefit  of  such  a  denial.  (A  laugh.) .  He 
added,  however,  that  he  did  not  believe  that  slaves  were  bred 
for  sale  in  Virginia,  Now,  he  would  read  some  few  extracts 
from  Judge  Jay’s  book,  published  in  New  York,  in  1839.  He 
would  call  Mr.  Stevenson’s  attention  to  page  88  of  that  book, 
and  that  would  prove  to  him,  not  only  that  slave-breeding  ex¬ 
isted  in  Virginia,  but  within  twenty-five  miles  of  his  own  resi- 


17 


dcnce  [The  Honorable  Gentleman  read  several  extracts, 
proving  the  practice  ;  also  several  advertisements  of  lots  of 
slaves  wanted  for  ready  money,  for  shipment  to  New  Orleans, 
and  dated  in  Richmond,  the  very  place  of  Mr.  Stevenson’s  re¬ 
sidence.]  He  had  established  against  the  Ambassador,  that 
slave-raising  did  exist  in  Virginia.  Yet  all  these  things  took 
place  in  a  civilized  country — a  civilized  age — advertisements 
of  human  flesh  for  sale,  and  written  in  even  a  more  contemptu¬ 
ous  manner  than  if  the  subjects  of  them  were  cattle.  The 
*  traffic  in  slaves  from  the  North  to  the  Southern  States  was  im¬ 
mense.  In  the  latter,  they  were  put  to  the  culture  of  sugar — 
a  horrible  culture,  that  swept  off  the  whole  in  seven  years — 
every  seven  years  there  was  a  new  generation  wanted.  This 
was  in  a  community  calling  themselves  civilized.  Why,  they 
were  wrorse  than  the  savage  beasts  of  the  desert,  for  they  only 
mangled  when  driven  to  it  by  hunger ;  but  this  horrible  prac¬ 
tice  is  carried  on  by  well-fed  Americans  for  paltry  pecuniary 
profit — for  that  low  and  base  consideration,  they  destroy  an¬ 
nually  their  tens  and  twenty  thousands. 

These  scenes  took  place  in  a  country,  which,  in  all  other 
respects,  had  a  fair  claim  to  be  called  civilized — in  a  country 
which  had  nobly  worked  out  its  own  freedom — in  a  country 
where  the  men  were  brave  and  the  women  beautiful.  Amongst 
the  descendants  of  Englishmen — even  amongst  such  was  to  be 
found  a  horrible  population,  whose  thirst  for  gold  could  only 
be  gratified  at  the  expense  of  such  scenes  of  human  suffering ; 
a  population  who  were  insensible  to  the  wrath  of  God,  who 
were  insensible  to  the  cries  and  screams  of  mothers  and  chil¬ 
dren,  torn  from  each  other  for  ever.  But  there  was  one  thins 
they  would  not  be  insensible  to — they  dare  not,  they  would 
not  be  insensible  to  the  contempt  of  Europe.  (Loud  cheers.) 
While  they  embraced  the  American  Abolitionists  as  friends  and 
brothers,  let  none  of  the  slave-owners,  dealers  in  human  flesh, 
dare  to  set  a  foot  upon  our  free  soil.  (Cheering.)  Let  them 
call  upon  the  Government  to  protest  to  America,  that  they 
would  not  receive  any  slaveholding  ambassador.  (Loud  cheer¬ 
ing.)  Let  them  declare  that  no  slave-owner  can  be  admitted 
into  European  society;  and  then  Calhoun  and  Clay,  and  men 
like  them,  who  stand  up  putting  forth  their  claims  to  be  Pre¬ 
sident  of  the  great  Republic,  must  yield  to  the  public,  univer¬ 
sal  opinion.  He  had  made  mention  of  those  two  men — he 
would  only  say  that  Calhoun  was  branded  with  the  blood  issu¬ 
ing  from  the  stripes  of  the  slave,  and  Clay  drowned  in  the 
tears  of  the  mothers  and  the  children.  (Cheers.)  Let  the 
people  of  Europe  say  to  slave-owners,  “  Murderers,  you  belong 
2 


not  to  us  !  Away  to  the  desort,  and  herd  with  kindred  sav¬ 
ages  !”  (Cheers.)  He  begged  pardon  of  the  savage.  (Laugh¬ 
ter.)  Sometimes  in  anger  lie  committed  heinous  crimes,  but 
he  was  incapable  of  coolly  calculating  how  long  or  how  hard 
he  could  work  a  human  being  with  a  profit, — sometimes  grant¬ 
ing  him  a  boon  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  year  or  two  more 
of  labor  out  of  him.  Well,  are  we  to  remain  passive  as  hither¬ 
to  ?  (Loud  cries  of  “No,  no  !”)  Let  our  declaration  also  go 
abroad.  Let  this  Society  adopt  it — let  the  benevolence  and 
good  sense  of  Englishmen  make  that  declaration.  If  an 
American  addresses  you,  find  out  at  once  if  he  be  a  slave¬ 
holder.  (Hear,  hear.)  He  may  have  business  with  you,  and 
the  less  you  do  with  him,  the  better  (a  laugh)  ;  but  the  moment 
that  is  over,  turn  from  him  as  if  he  had  the  cholera  or  the 
plague  (cheers) — for  there  is  a  moral  cholera  and  a  political 
plague  upon  him.  (Cheers.)  He  belongs  not  to  your  country 
or  your  clime — he  is  not  within  the  pale  of  civilization  or  Chris¬ 
tianity.  (Cheers.)  Let  us  rally  for  the  liberty  of  the  human 
race  (applause) — no  matter  in  what  country  or  in  what  clime 
he  is  found,  the  slave  is  entitled  to  our  protection;  no  matter 
of  what  caste,  of  what  creed,  of  what  color,  he  is  your  fellow- 
man — he  is  suffering  injustice ;  and  British  generosity,  which 
has  done  so  much  already,  ought  to  be  cheered  to  the  task  by 
the  recollection  of  the  success  it  has  already  attained.  (Cheers.) 
*  *  *  I  am  zealous  in  the  cause,  to  be  sure,  but  inefficient — 
acknowledging  the  humility  of  the  individual,  I  am  still  swelled 
by  the  greatness  of  the  cause.  My  bosom  expands,  and  I  glory 
in  the  domestic  struggle  for  freedoni  which  gave  me  a  title  to 
stand  among  you,  and  to  use  that  title  in  the  best  way  I  can, 
to  proclaim  humanity  to  man,  and  the  abolition  of  slavery  all 
over  the  world. — Speech  delivered  at  the  Anniversary  of  the 
British  and  Foreign  Anti-Slavery  Society ,  1840. 

From  this  spot,  I  wish  to  rouse  all  the  high  and  lofty  pride 
of  the  American  mind.  Republicanism  necessarily  gives  a 
higher  and  prouder  tone  to  the  human  mind  than  any  other 
form  of  government.  I  am  not  comparing  it  with  any  thing 
else  at  present ;  but  all  history  shows  there  is  a  pride  about 
republicanism,  which  perhaps,  is  a  consolation  to  the  republi¬ 
can  for  any  privations  he  may  suffer,  and  a  compensation  for 
many  things  in  which  he  may  possibly  be  inferior ;  but  from 
this  spot,  I  repeat,  I  wish  to  rouse  all  the  honesty  and  pride 
of  American  youth  and  manhood  ;  and  would  that  the  voice 
of  civilized  Europe  would  aid  me  in  the  appeal,  and  swell  my 
feeble  voice  to  one  shout  of  honest  indignation  :  and  when  these 
Americans  point  to  their  boasted  Declaration  of  Independence, 


/ 


19 

exclaim,  “  Look  at  jour  practice!”  Can  there  be  faith  in 
man,  or  reliance  placed  in  human  beings,  who  thus  contrast 
their  action  with  their  declarations  ?  *  *  *  That  was  the  first 
phrase  of  their  boasted  Declaration  of  Independence.  What 
was  the  last? — “  To  these  principles  wTe  solemnly  pledge  our 
lives,”  (invoking  the  name  of  the  great  God,  and  calling  for 
his  aid,)  “  we  solemnly  pledge  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our 
sacred  honor.”  It  has  the  solemnity  without  the  profaneness 
of  an  oath ;  it  speaks  in  the  presence  of  the  living  God ;  it 
pledges  life,  fortune,  and  sacred  honor  to  the  principles  they 
assert.  How  can  they  lay  claim  to  “  sacred  honor,”  with  this 
dark,  emphatic,  and  diabolical  violation  of  their  principles 
staring  them  in  the  face  ?  No !  America  must  know  that  all 
Europe  is  looking  at  her,  and  that  her  Senate,  in  declaring 
that  there  is  property  in  human  beings,  has  violated  her  oath 
to  God,  and  “  sacred  honor”  to  men.  Will  the  American  come 
down  upon  me,  then,  with  his  republicanism  ?  I  wfill  meet  him 
with  the  taunt,  that  he  has  mingled  perjury  with  personal  dis¬ 
grace  and  dishonor,  and  inflicted  both  with  a  double  barb  into 
the  character  of  any  man  who  claims  property  in  any  human 
being.  France,  and  even  England,  might  possibly  adopt  such 
a  resolution  without  violating  their  national  honor,  because  they 
have  made  no  such  declarations  as  America,  and  therefore  she 
is  doubly  dyed  in  disgrace  by  the  course  she  has  taken,  in  open 
opposition  to  her  own  charter  of  Independence.  *  *  *  I  rejoice 
to  hear  the  present  agitation  is  striking  terror  into  the  hearts 
of  the  slave-mongers,  whose  selfish  interests,  vile  passions,  and 
predominant  pride,  with  all  that  is  bad  and  unworthy  coin- 
mingled,  make  them  whiling  to  retain  their  hold  of  human  pro¬ 
perty,  and  to  work  with  the  bones  and  blood  of  their  fellow- 
creatures  ;  "whilst  a  species  of  democratic  aristocracy,  the 
filthiest  aristocracy  that  ever  entered  into  civilized  society,  is 
set  up  in  the  several  States — an  aristocracy  that  wishes  to  have 
property  without  the  trouble  and  toil  of  earning  it,  and  to  set 
themselves  above  men,  only  to  plunder  them  of  their  natural 
rights,  and  to  live  solely  upon  their  labor.  Thus,  the  gratifica¬ 
tion  of  every  bad  passion,  and  every  base  emotion  of  the  human 
mind  is  enlisted  in  defence  of  the  slaveholder’s  right.  When 
we  turn  our  eyes  upon  America,  we  see  in  her  Declaration  of 
Independence  the  display  of  the  democratic  element  of  popu¬ 
lar  feeling  against  every  thing  like  tyranny  or  oppression. 
But  when  I  come  to  the  District  of  Columbia,  there  I  see  in 
the  capital  and  temple  of  freedom,  the  negro  chained  to  his 
toil,  and  writhing  beneath  the  lash  of  his  taskmaster,  and  the 
negress  doomed  to  all  the  horrors  of  slavery.  There  I  see 


20 


their  infant,  yet  unable  to  understand  what  it  is  that  tortures 
its  father  or  distracts  its  mother ;  while  that  mother  is  cursing 
its  existence,  because  it  is  not  a  man,  but  a  slave ;  and  almost 
wishing — ah  !  what  a  wringing  thought  to  a  mother’s  heart — 
that  the  child  might  sink  into  an  early  grave,  rather  than  be¬ 
come  the  property  of  an  excruciating  tyrant,  and  the  instru¬ 
ment  of  wealth  to  others,  without  being  able  to  procure  com¬ 
fort  and  happiness  for  itself.  That  is  America ;  that  is  the 
land  of  the  free ;  these  are  the  illustrations  of  the  glorious 
principles  laid  down  in  the  Declaration  of  American  Indepen¬ 
dence  !  These  evils,  inflicted  as  they  are  by  the  democratic 
aristocracy  of  the  States,  are  worse  than  ever  wTere  inflicted 
by  the  most  kingly  aristocracy,  or  the  most  despotic  tyranny. 

I  do  not  mean  any  thing  offensive  to  our  American  friends 
present,  but  I  do  say,  there  is  written  in  letters  of  blood  upon 
the  American  escutcheon,  robbery  and  murder,  and 4  plunder 
of  human  beings.  I  recognize  no  American  as  a  fellow-man, 
except  those  who  belong  to  anti-slavery  societies.  Those  who 
uphold  slavery  are  not  men  as  we  are,  they  are  not  honest  as 
we  are ;  and  I  look  upon  a  slaveholder  as  upon  a  pickpocket, 
who  violates  the  common  laws  of  property  and  honesty. 

They  say  that  by  their  Constitution,  they  are  prevented 
from  emancipating  the  slaves  in  the  slaveholding  States ;  but 
I  look  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  of  1787,  and  I  defy  them  to  find  a  single  word  about 
slavery,  or  any  provision  for  holding  property  in  man. 

No  man  can  deny  the  personal  courage  of  the  American  peo¬ 
ple.  With  the  recollections  of  the  battles  of  Bunker’s  Hill  and 
Saratoga, — of  which,  indeed,  I  might  be  reminded  by  the 
portrait  which  hangs  opposite  to  me,  of  one  of  the  officers  who 
took  an  active  part  in  those  conflicts,  (Earl  of  Moira.) — 
with  the  recollection,  I  say,  of  those  battles  it  would  be  dis¬ 
graceful  and  dishonest  to  deny  to  the  American  people  per¬ 
sonal  courage  and  bravery.  There  exists  not  a  braver  people 
upon  the  face  of  the  earth.  But,  amongst  all  those  who  com¬ 
posed  the  Convention  of  1787,  there  was  not  one  man  who 
had  the  moral  courage — I  was  about  to  say  the  immoral 
courage — to  insert  the  word  slavery  in  the  Constitution. 
No  !  they  did  not  dare  pronounce  the  word  ;  and  if  they  did 
not  dare  to  use  the  word  slavery,  are  they  to  be  allowed  to 
adopt  the  thing?  Is  America  to  shake  her  star-spangled 
banner  in  the  breeze,  and  boast  of  liberty,  while  she  is  con¬ 
scious  that  that  banner  floats  over  the  heads  of  slaves  ?  Oh, 
but  they  call  it  (i  persons  held  to  labor” — that  is  the  phrase  ^ 
they  use  in  their  Constitution ;  but  dare  any  one  say  that  sla- 


21 


very  is  implied  in  those  words  ?  The  term  applies  to  any 
person  who  enters  into  a  contract  to  labor,  for  a  given  period, 
as  by  the  month  or  year,  or  for  an  equivalent ;  but  his  doing 
so  does  not  constitute  him  a  slave,  surely  ;  the  very  term  is 
disgraceful  to  nature,  and  an  affront  to  nature’s  God.  No 
wonder  the  word  was  not  in  their  declaration ;  you  would  not 
look  to  find  words  of  injustice  and  cruelty  in  a  declaration  of 
honesty  and  humanity.  I  repeat  it,  they  have  not  used  the 
word.  They  meant  slavery :  they  intended  to  have  slaves, 
but  they  dared  not  employ  the  word ;  and  “  persons  held  to 
labor”  was  as  near  as  they  dared  approach  to  it.  Can  you  con¬ 
ceive  of  a  deeper  crime  than  slavery  ?  A  crime  which  includes 
*  in  it  injustice  and  cruelty,  which  multiplies  robberies  and 
murders  !  Ay,  there  is  one  thing  worse  even  than  this,  and 
that  is  hypocrisy  added  to  it.  Let  hypocrisy  be  superinduced 
on  injustice,  and  you  have,  indeed,  a  character  fit  to  mingle 
with  the  murky  powers  of  darkness  ;  and  the  Americans  (I 
speak  not  of  them  all,  there  are  many  noble  exceptions)  have 
added  hypocrisy  to  their  other  accomplishments.  They  say 
they  have  no  power  to  emancipate  their  slaves :  is  that  the 
real  reason  ?  It  may  be,  that  they  have  not  power  to  do  so 
in  some  particular  States ;  but  then,  what  shall  be  said  of  the 
District  of  Columbia  ?  There  they  are  not  bound  by  any  re¬ 
striction  ;  yet  in  that  District  there  are  slaves,  and  there  they 
furnish  further  proof  of  their  hypocrisy.  Oh,  say  they,  we 
are  the  finest  gentlemen,  the  wisest  statesmen,  and  most  pro¬ 
found  legislators  in  the  world.  We  are  ardent  lovers  of  liberty, 
we  detest  slavery,  and  we  lament  that  we  have  not  the  power 
to  make  all  free.  Then  I  whisper,  Columbia !  Columbia  ! 
You  have  the  power  there,  you  have  the  authority  there,  to 
remove  this  foul  blot ;  you  have  the  means  and  opportunities ; 
you  have,  in  short,  every  thing  but  the  will :  the  will  alone  is 
wanting ;  and,  with  all  your  professions,  you  are  hypocrites. 

But  I  will  now  turn  to  a  subject  of  congratulation  :  I  mean 
the  Anti- Slavery  Societies  of  America — those  noble-hearted 
men  and  women,  who,  through  difficulties  and  dangers,  have 
proved  how  hearty  they  are  in  the  cause  of  abolition.  I  hail 
them  all  as  my  friends,  and  wish  them  to  regard  me  as  a 
brother.  I  wish  for  no  higher  station  in  the  world ;  but  I  do 
covet  the  honor  of  being  a  brother  with  these  American  Abo¬ 
litionists.  In  this  country,  the  Abolitionists  are  in  perfect 
safety;  here  we  have  fame  and  honor;  we  are  lauded  and  en¬ 
couraged  by  the  good  ;  we  are  smiled  upon  and  cheered  by  the 
fair;  we  are  bound  together  by  godlike  truth  and  charity  ;  and 
though  we  have  our  differences  as  to  points  of  faith,  we  have 


22 


no  difference  as  to  this  point,  and  we  proceed  in  our  useful 
career  esteemed  and  honored.  But  it  is  not  so  with  our  anti- 
slavery  friends  in  America  :  there  they  are  vilified,  there  they 
are  insulted.  Why,  did  not  very  lately  a  body  of  men — of 
gentlemen,  so  called — of  persons  who  would  be  angry  if  you 
denied  them  that  cognomen,  and  would  even  be  ready  to  call 
you  out  to  share  a  rifle  and  a  ball — did  not  such  “  gentlemen” 
break  in  upon  an  Anti-Slavery  Society  in  America;  aye,  upon 
a  ladies’  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  assault  them  in  a  most 
cowardly  manner  ?  And  did  they  not  denounce  the  members 
of  that  Society  ?  And  where  did  this  happen  ?  'Why,  in  Boston 
— in  enlightened  Boston,  the  capital  of  a  non-slaveholding 
State.  In  this  country,  the  Abolitionists  have  nothing  to  com¬ 
plain  of ;  but  in  America,  they  are  met  with  the  bowie-knife 
and  lynch  law  !  Yes  !  in  America,  you  have  had  martyrs ; 
your  cause  has  been  stained  with  blood ;  the  voice  of  your 
brethren’s  blood  crieth  from  the  ground,  and  riseth  high,  not, 
I  trust,  for  vengeance,  but  for  mercy,  upon  those  who  have  thus 
treated  them.  But  you  ought  not. to  be  discouraged,  or  relax 
in  your  efforts.  Here  you  have  honor.  A  human  being  can¬ 
not  be  placed  in  a  more  glorious  position  than  to  take  up  such 
a  cause  under  such  circumstances.  I  am  delighted  to  be  one 
of  a  Convention  in  which  are  so  many  of  such  great  and  good 
men.  I  trust  that  their  reception  will  be  such  as  that  their 
zeal  may  be  greatly  strengthened  to  continue  their  noble 
struggle.  I  have  reason  to  hope  that,  in  this  assembly,  a  voice 
will  be  raised  which  will  roll  back  in  thunder  to  America, 
which  will  'mingle  with  her  mighty  waves,  and  which  will  cause 
one  universal  shout  of  liberty  to  be  heard  throughout  the  world. 
Oh,  there  is  not  a  delegate  from  the  Anti-Slavery  Societies  of 
America,  but  ought  to  have  his  name,  aye,  her  name,  written 
in  characters  of  immortality!  The  Anti-Slavery  Societies  in 
America  are  deeply  persecuted,  and  are  deserving  of  every  en¬ 
couragement  which  we  can  possibly  give  them.  I  would  that 
I  had  the  eloquence  to  depict  their  character  aright ;  but  my 
tongue  falters,  and  my  powers  fail,  while  I  attempt  to  describe 
them.  They  are  the  true  friends  of  humanity,  and  would  that 
I  had  a  tongue  to  describe  aright  the  mighty  majesty  of  their 
undertaking  !  I  love  and  honor  America  and  the  Americans. 
I  respect  their  great  principles  ;  their  untiring  industry  ;  their 
lofty  genius  ;  their  social  institutions  ;  their  morals,  such  morals 
as  can  exist  with  slavery — God  knows  they  cannot  be  many — 
but  I  respect  all  in  them  or  about  them  that  is  good.  But,  at 
the  same  time,  I  denounce  and  anathematize  them  as  slave¬ 
holders,  and  hold  them  up  to  the  scorn  of  all  civilized  Europe. 


I  would  that  the  government  of  this  country  would  tell  the 
United  States  of  America,  that  they  must  send  no  more  slave¬ 
holding  negotiators  here  ! 

I  will  tell  you  a  little  anecdote.  Last  year,  I  was  accosted 
with  great  civility,  by  a  well-dressed,  gentleman-like  person, 
in  the  lobby  of  the  House  of  Commons.  He  stated  that  he 
was  from  America,  and  was  anxious  to  be  admitted  to  the 
House.  “  From  what  State  do  you  come?”  “From  Ala¬ 
bama.”  “  A  slaveholder,  perhaps?”  “Yes.”  “  Then,”  said 
I,  “  I  beg  to  be  excused ;”  and  so  I  bowed  and  left  him.  Now, 
that  is  an  example  which  I  wish  to  be  followed.  Have  no  in¬ 
tercourse  with  a  slaveholder.  You  may,  perhaps,  deal  with 
him  as  a  man  of  business,  but,  even  then,  you  must  act  with 
caution,  as  you  would  with  a  pickpocket  and  a  robber.  You 
ought  to  be  very  scant  of  courtesy  toward  him,  at  least  until 
he  has  cleared  himself  of  the  foul  imputation.  Let  us  beware 
of  too  much  familiarity  with  such  men ;  and  let  us  plainly  and 
honestly  tell  them,  as  a  Convention,  what  we  think  of  them. 
I  am  not  for  the  employment  of  force  ;  no — let  all  be  done  by 
the  statement  of  indisputable  facts  ;  by  the  diffusion  of  infor¬ 
mation  ;  by  the  union  of  benevolent  minds ;  by  our  bold  de¬ 
termination  to  expose  tyranny  and  cruelty ;  by  proclaiming  to 
the  slaveholders  that,  so  long  as  they  have  any  connection  with 
the  accursed  traffic  in  human  beings,  we  hold  them  to  be  a 
different  race.  Why  should  it  not  be  so  ?  Why  should  we  not 
shrink  from  them,  as  we  would  with  shuddering  from  the  ap¬ 
proach  of  the  vilest  reptiles  ?  The  declaration  of  such  views 
and  feelings  from  such  a  body  of  men  as  are  now  before  me, 
will  make  the  slaveholders  tremble.  My  voice  is  feeble,  but  I 
have  no  doubt  but  what  I  say  will  reach  them,  and  that  it  will 
have  some  influence  upon  them.  They  must  feel  that  they  can¬ 
not  much  longer  hold  the  sway.  One  of  the  great  objects  of 
my  hope* is  to  affright  the  Americans  by  laying  hold  upon  their 
pride,  their  vanity,  their  self-esteem,  by  commending  what  is 
excellent  in  them,  and  by  showing  how  very  far  they  come 
short  in  those  proprieties  upon  which  they  boast  themselves.  I 
would  have  this  Convention  avail  themselves  of  all  such  aids, 
and  to  urge  them  by  every  possible  argument  to  abandon  the 
horrid  vice  by  which  their  character  is  so  foully  disfigured. 
*  *  *  We  have  proof  this  day  that  there  are  those  who  love 
the  cause  of  freedom  in  every  part  of  the  globe.  And  why 
should  it  not  be  so  ?  Why  should  not  all  unite  in  such  a 
glorious  cause?  We  are  all  formed  by  the  same  Creator;  we 
are  alike  the  objects  of  the  same  watchful  Providence  ;  we  are 
all  the  purchase  of  the  same  redeeming  blood;  we  have  one 


21 


common  Saviour  ;  ;:nd  our  hearts  beat  high  with  the  same  im¬ 
mortal  hopes.  And  -why  should  any  portion  of  the  human 
race  be  shut  out  from  our  affection  and  regard  ?  *  *  *  0,  let 
our  word  go  forth  from  this  place,  that  we  do  not  deem  the . 
Americans  Christians,  by  whatever  name  they  are  called, 
whether  Episcopalians,  or  Baptists,  or  Independents,  or  Metho¬ 
dists,  or  whatever  other  name, — that  wTe  regard  them  not  as 
Christians  at  all,  unless  they  cordially  unite  with  us  in  this 
great  work.  We  honor  all  that  is  really  good  in  America,  and 
would  have  it  all  on  our  side  in  this  glorious  struggle — in  this 
holy  cause.  Let  us  unite  and  persevere,  and,  by  the  blessing 
of  God,  and  the  aid  of  good  men,  freedom  will,  ere  long,  wave 
her  triumphant  banner  over  emanoipated  America,  and  we 
shall  unite  with  the  whole  world  to  rejoice  in  the  result. — 
Speech  at  the  World's  Anti-Slavery  Convention ,  held  in  Free¬ 
mason  s  Hall ,  London ,  June ,  1840. 

At  a  Special  meeting  of  the  Loyal  National  Repeal  Associi- 
tion,  held  in  the  Great  Room,  Corn  Exchange,  Dublin,  May, 
9,  1843, — James  Haughtgn,  Esq.,  in  the  chair, — 

Mr.  O’Connell  said  : — The  Association  had  adjourned  to 
that  day  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  a  communication  with 
which  they  had  been  honored  from  the  Anti-Slavery  Society 
of  America — a  body  of  men  whom  they  most  entirely  respect 
— whose  objects  should  be  cherished  in  their  hearts’  core — 
whose  dangers  enhanced  their  virtues — and  whose  persevering 
patriotism  would  either  write  their  names  on  the  pages  of  tem¬ 
poral  history,  or  impress  them  in  a  higher  place,  where  eternal 
glory  and  happiness  would  be  the  reward  of  their  exertions. 
(Cheers.)  His  impressions  were  so  strong  in  favor  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  of  America,  that  he  thought  it  would  not  be 
so  respectful  as  he  would  desire,  if  he  brought  forward  that 
document  in  the  routine  of  business  on  the  last  day,  when  it 
could  not  be  so  much  attended  to  as  it  deserved.  (Hear,  hear.) 
It  was  out  of  respect  to  the  people  who  sent  that  document,  that 
they  had  adjourned  ;  and  he  might  say,  that  personal  respect 
for  the  Chairman  was  mixed  up  with  that  consideration.  (Cheers.) 
They  could  not  have  sent  a  better  message,  or  a  more  sincere 
one  ;  and,  if  he  now  had  the  kindness  to  make  the  communi¬ 
cation,  they  would  receive  it  with  the  respect  it  deserved. 
(Cheers.) 

The  Anti-Slavery  Address  having  been  read, — 

Mr.  O’Connell  then  said  : — I  rise  with  the  greatest  alacrity 
to  move  that  that  most  interesting  document  be  inserted  on  the 
minutes,  and  that  the  fervent  thanks  of  the  Repeal  Association 
of  Ireland  be  by  acclamation  voted  to  the  writers  of  it.  I 


25 


never  in  my  life  heard  anything  read  that  imposed  more  upon 
my  feelings,  and  excited  a  deeper  sympathy  and  sorrow  within 
me.  I  never,  in  fact,  before  knew  the  horrors  of  slavery  in 
their  genuine  colors.  It  is  a  production  framed  in  the  purest 
effort  of  simplicity,  but,  at  the  same  time,  powerful  in  its  sen¬ 
timents,  so  at  once  to  reach  the  human  heart,  and  stir  up  the 
human  feelings  to  sorrow  and  execration — sorrow  for  the  vic¬ 
tims,  and  execration  for  the  tyrants.  (Loud  cries  of  hear, 
hear,  and  cheers.)  It  will  have  its  effect  throughout  Ireland ; 
for  the  Irish  people  did  not  know  what  was,  alas  !  familiar  to 
you,  Sir,  and  to  me, — the  real  state  of  slavery  in  America,  and 
of  the  unequaled  evils  it  inflicts ;  for  slavery,  wherever  it  ex¬ 
ists,  is  the  bitterest  potion  that  can  be  commended  to  the  lips 
of  man.  Let  it  be  presented  in  any  shape,  and  it  mnst  dis¬ 
gust,  for  a  curse  inherent  to  it  grows  with  it,  and  inflicts  op¬ 
pression  and  cruelty  wherever  it  descends.  (Hear,  hear,  and 
cheers.)  We  proclaim  it  an  evil ;  and  though,  as  a  member  of 
this  Association,  I  am  not  bound  to  take  up  any  national 
quarrel,  still,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  declare  my  opinions;  I  never 
paltered  in  my  own  sentiments.  (Cheers.)  I  never  said  a 
word  in  mitigation  of  slavery  in  my  life;  and  I  would  consider 
myself  the  most  criminal  of  human  beings  if  I  had  done  so. 
(Hear,  and  cheers.) 

Yes,  I  will  say,  shame  upon  every  man  in  America,  who  is 
not  an  anti-slavery  man  ;  shame  and  disgrace  upon  him  !  I 
don’t  care  for  the  consequences.  I  will  not  restrain  my  hon¬ 
est  indignation  of  feeling.  I  pronounce  every  man  a  faithless 
miscreant,  who  does  not  take  a  part  for  the  abolition  of  slav¬ 
ery.  (Tremendous  cheering  for  several  minutes.)  It  may  be 
said  that  offence  will  be  taken  at  these  words.  Come  what 
may  from  them,  they  are  my  words.  (Renewed  applause.) 
The  question  never  came  regularly  before  us  until  now.  We 
had  it  introduced  collaterally ;  we  had  it  mentioned  by  per¬ 
sons  who  were  friends  of  ours,  and  who  were  endeavoring  to 
maintain  good  relations  between  us  and  the  slaveholders,  but 
it  is  only  now  that  it  comes  directly  before  us.  We  might 
have  shrunk  from  the  question  by  referring  the  document  to  a 
committee ;  but,  I  would  consider  such  a  course  unworthy  of 
me,  enjoying  as  I  do  the  confidence  of  the  virtuous,  the  re¬ 
ligious,  and  the  humane  people  of  Ireland  ;  for  I  would  be  un¬ 
fit  to  be  what  I  desire  to  consider  myself,  the  representative 
of  the  virtues  of  the  people,  if  I  were  not  ready  to  make  every 
sacrifice  for  them,  rather  than  to  give  the  least  sanction  to 
human  slavery. 

They  say  that  the  slaves  are  worse  treated  since  the  cry  of  the 


26 


Abolitionists  has  been  raised  in  their  favor,  as  it  has  made 
their  masters  more  suspicious  of  them,  and  more  severe  against 
them ;  but  has  that  any  weight  with  me  ?  How  often  was  I 
told,  during  our  agitation, that  “  the  Catholics  would  be  emanci¬ 
pated  but  for  the  violence  of  that  O’Connell!”  (Laughter.) 
Why,  one  of  the  cleverest  men  in  the  country  wrote  a  pamphlet 
ift  1827,  in  which  he  stated  that  the  Protestants  of  Ireland 
would  have  emancipated  their  Catholic  countrymen  long  be-’ 
fore,  but  for  me,  and  fellows  of  my  kind;  and  yet,  two  years 
after,  I  got  emancipation  in  spite  of  them.  (Cheers.)  But  it 
is  clearly  an  insult  to  the  understanding  to  speak  so.  When 
did  tyranny  relax  its  gripe  merely  because  it  ought  to  do  so? 
(Hear.)  As  long  as  their  was  no  agitation,  the  masters  en¬ 
joyed  the  persecution  of  their  slaves  in  quietness;  but  the  mo¬ 
ment  the  agitation  commenced,  they  cried  out,  “  Oh,  it  is  not 
the  slaves  we  are  flogging,  but  we  are  flogging  through  his 
back  the  anti-slavery  men.”  (Laughter.)  But  the  subject  is 
too  serious  for  ridicule.  I  am  afraid  they  will  never  give  up 
slavery  until  some  horrible  calamity  befalls  their  country;  and 
I  here  warn  them  against  the  event,  for  it  is  utterly  impossible 
that  slavery  can  continue  much  longer.  (Hear,  hear.)  But, 
good  Heaven!  can  Irishmen  be  found  to  justify,  or  rather  to 
palliate,  (for  no  one  could  dare  attempt  to  justify,)  a  system 
which  shuts  out  the  book  of  human  knowledge,  and  seeks  to 
reduce  t6  the  condition  of  a  slave,  2,500,000  human  beings  : 
which  closes  against  them  not  only  the  light  of  human  science, 
but  the  rays  of  divine  revelation,  and  the  doctrines  which  the 
Son  of  God  came  upon  the  earth  to  plant !  The  man  who  will 
do  so  belongs  not  to  my  kind.  (Hear,  hear.)  Over  the  broad 
Atlantic  I  pour  forth  my  voice,  saying,  “  Come  out  of  such  a 
land,  you  Irishmen  ;  or,  if  you  remain,  and  dare  countenance 
the  system  of  slavery  that  is  supported  there,  we  will  recog¬ 
nize  you  as  Irishmen  no  longer.”  (Hear,  hear,  and  cheers.) 

I  say  the  man  is  not  a  Christian, — he  cannot  believe  in  the 
binding  law  of  the  Decalogue.  He  may  go  to  the  chapel  or 
the  church,  and  he  may  turn  up  the  whites  of  his  eyes,  but  he 
cannot  kneel  as  a  Christian  before  his  Creator,  or  he  would 
not  dare  to  palliate  such  an  infamous  system.  No,  America  ! 
the  black  spot  of  slavery  rests  upon  your  star-spangled  banner; 
and  no  matter  what  glory  you  may  acquire  beneath  it,  the 
hideous,  damning  stain  of  slavery  rests  upon  you,  and  a  just 
Providence  will  sooner  or  later  avenge  itself  for  your  crime. 
(Loud  and  continued  cheers.)  Sir,  I  have  spoken  the  senti¬ 
ments  of  the  Repeal  Association.  (Renewed  cheers.)  There 
is  not  a  man  amongst  the  hundreds  of  thousands  that  belong 


ft 


27 

to  our  body,  or  amongst  the  millions  that  will  belong  to  it,  who 
does  not  concur  in  what  I  have  stated.  We  may  not  get  money 
from  America  after  this  declaration;  but  even  if  we  should 
not,  we  do  not  want  blood-stained  money.  (Hear,  hear.)  If 
they  make  it  the  condition  of  our  sympathy,  or  if  there  be  im¬ 
plied  any  submission  to  the  doctrine  of  slavery  on  our  part,  in 
receiving  their  remittance,  let  them  cease  sending  it  at  once. 
But  there  are  wise  and  good  men  every  where,  and  there  are 
wise  and  good  men  in  America — and  that  document  which  you 
have  read,  Sir,  is  a  proof,  among  others,  that  there  are  ;  and 
I  would  wish  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  such  men;  but  the 
criminals  and  the  abettors — those  who  commit,  and  those  who 
countenance  the  crime  of  slavery — I  regard  as  the  enemies  of 
Ireland,  and  I  desire  to  have  no  sympathy  or  support  from 
them.  (Cheers.) 

I  have  the  honor  to  move  that  this  document  be  inserted  in 
full  upon  our  minutes,  and  that  the  most  grateful  thanks  of 
the  Repeal  Association  be  given  to  the  Anti-Slavery  Society 
of  America,  who  sent  it  to  us,  and  in  particular,  to  the  two 
office  bearers,  whose  names  are  signed  to  it. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Loyal  National  Repeal  Association,  in 
Dublin,  August  8,  1843,  Mr.  O’Connell,  in  the  course  of  a 
powerful  Anti-Slavery  speech,  said  : — 

A  disposition  was  evinced  in  America  to  conciliate  the 
opinion  of  that  Association  in  favor  of  the  horrid  system  of 
slavery,  but  they  refused,  of  course,  to  show  any  sanction  to  it. 
(Hear,  and  cheers.) 

He  had  taken  an  active  part  m  the  Anti-Slavery  Society 
from  the  moment  that  he  was  competent  to  discover  any  one 
body  of  men  acting  for  the  extinction  of  slavery  all  over  the 
world  ;  and  he  stood  in  that  Association  as  the  representative 
of  the  Irish  people,  who  had  themselves  suffered  centuries  of 
persecution,  because  they  were  attached  to  humanity,  and  to 
what  justice  and  reason  demanded  ;  for  if  they  had  chosen  to 
be  silent,  and  had  bowed  to  authority — if  they  had  acquiesced 
in  the  dictation  of  their  masters  and  tyrants,  they  would  have 
escaped  many  temporary  sufferings,  but  they  would  not  have 
acquired  the  glory  of  having  adhered  with  religious  fidelity  to 
their  principles.  Standing  as  their  representative,  he  could 
not  act  otherwise  than  he  had  done,  though  the  liberty  of  Ire¬ 
land,  the  repeal  of  the  Union  itself,  were  to  abide  the  result. 
He  was  bound  not  to  look  to  consequences,  but  to  justice  and 
humanity ;  and  come  what  wonld,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  throw 
heart  and  soul  into  his  opposition  to  the  system  that  would 
treat  human  beings  as  brute  beasts  of  the  field.  He  spoke 


28 


distinctly  and  emphatically,  for  as  he  wanted  to  make  an  im¬ 
pression,  he  used  harder  words  than  he  would  have  done,  if  he 
did  not  know  that  harsh  words  were  necessary  to  rouse  the 
selfish  temperament  of  the  domineering  master  of  slaves.  And 
he  did  make  that  sensation,  and  he  was  glad  of  it. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Loyal  National  Repeal  Association,  held 
in  Conciliation  Hall,  Dublin,  Sept.  29th,  1845,  Mr.  O’Connell, 
speaking  on  the  subject  of  American  slavery,  said: 

I  have  been  assailed  for  attacking  the  American  institution, 
as  it  is  called,  negro  slavery.  I  am  not  ashamed  of  that  attack — 
I  do  not  shrink  from  it.  I  am  the  advocate  of  civil  and  reli¬ 
gious  liberty  all  over  the  globe,  and  wherever  tyranny  exists,  I 
am  the  foe  of  the  tyrant;  wherever  oppression  shows  itself,  I 
am  the  foe  of  the  oppressor;  wherever  slavery  rears  its  head, 
I  am  the  enemy  of  the  system,  or  the  institution,  call  it  by 
what  name  you  will.  (Great  cheering.)  I  am  the  friend  of 
liberty  in  every  clime,  class,  and  color : — my  sympathy  with 
distress  is  not  confined  within  the  narrow  bounds  of  my  own 
green  island — no,  it  extends  itself  to  every  corner  of  the  earth 
— my  heart  walks  abroad,  and  wherever  the  miserable  is  to  be 
succored,  and  the  slave  is  to  be  set  free,  there  my  spirit  is  at 
home,  and  I  delight  to  dwell  in  its  abode.  (Enthusiastic  cheer¬ 
ing.)  It  has  been  asked,  What  business  has  O'Connell  to  in¬ 
terfere  with  American  slavery  ?  Why,  do  not  the  Americans 
shov  us  their  sympathy  for  our  struggles,  and  why  should  we 
not  show  a  sympathy  in  efforts  for  liberty  amongst  themselves? 
(Cheers.)  But  I  confess  I  have  another  strong  reason  for  de¬ 
siring  to  abolish  slavery  in  America.  In  no  monarchy  on  the 
face  of  the  earth  is  there  such  a  thing  as  domestic  slavery.  It 
is  true,  in  some  colonies  belonging  to  monarchies,  slavery  exists ; 
but  in  no  European  country  is  there  slavery  at  all,  for  the  Rus¬ 
sian  serf  is  far  different  from  the  slave  of  America,  and  there¬ 
fore  I  do  not  wish  that  any^over  of  liberty  should  be  able  to 
draw  a  contrast  between  the  democratic  republic  of  America 
and  the  despotic  States  of  Europe.  (Hear,  hear.)  I  am  in 
favor  of  the  democratic  spirit,  and  I  wish  to  relieve  it  from  the 
horrors  of  slavery.  (Cheers.)  I  do  not  wish  to  visit  America 
with  force  and  violence — I  would  be  the  last  man  in  the  world 
to  consent  to  it.  I  would  not  be  for  making  war  to  free  the 
negro;  at  least  not  for  the  war  of  knife,  and  lash,  and  sword; 
but  I  wTould  be  for  the  moral  warfare — I  would  be  for  the  arms 
of  argument  and  humanity  to  procure  the  extinction  of  tyranny, 
and  to  hurl  contempt  and  indignation  on  those  who  call  them¬ 
selves  freemen,  and  yet  keep  others  in  slavery.  I  would  bring 
elements  of  that  kind  to  bear  upon  the  system,  until  the  very 


name  of  slavery  should  be  regarded  with  horror  in  the  republic 
of  America.  (Cheers.)  *  *  *  * 

In  the  year  ’25,  when  I  left  my  profession  and  went  over  to 
England,  there  was  an  anti-slavery  meeting,  at  which  I  was 
present  and  spoke;  and  afterward,  when  I  went  to  Parliament, 
another  meeting  was  appointed,  greater  in  magnitude.  The 
West  India  interest  was  27  strong  in  the  House  of  Commons — 
the  Algerine  bill  was  carried ’through  the  House  by  a  majority 
of  19 — therefore,  the  emancipation  bill  was  in  the  power  of  the 
West  India  interest;  but  when  they  sent  a  respected  friend  of 
mine  (the  Knight  of  Kerry)  to  me,  to  ask  why  I  did  not  take 
a  certain  course  with  regard  to  it,  what  was  my  answer?  “I 
represent  the  Irish  people  here,  and  I. will  act  as  the  Irish 
people  will  sanction.  Come  liberty,  come  slavery  to  myself,  I 
will  never  countenance  slavery,  at  home  or  abroad  !”  (Cheers.) 
I  said  I  came  here  on  principle ;  the  Irish  people  sent  me  here 
to  carry  out  their  principles;  their  principles  are  abhorrent  of 
slavery;  and,  therefore,  I  will  take  my  part  at  that  anti-slavery 
meeting;’  and  though  it  should  be  a  blow  against  Ireland,  it  is 
a  blow  in  favor  of  human  liberty,  and  I  will  strike  that  blow. 
(Cheers.)  So  far  was  I  from  cultivating  the  slavery  interest, 
that  I  adopted  that  course,  though  I  regretted  to  lose  their 
votes.  But  I  must  do  them  the  credit  to  say,  that  I  did  not 
lose  them.  They  acted  nobly,  and  said  they  would  not  revenge 
upon  Ireland  my  attack  upon  them.  (Cheers.)  *  *  Let 

them  blame  me — in  America  let  me  be  execrated  by  them — let 
their  support  be  taken  from  Ireland — Slavery,  I  denounce  you 
wherever  you  are !  (Loud  cheers.)  Come  freedom,  come  op¬ 
pression  to  Ireland — let  Ireland  be  as  she  may — I  will  have  my 
conscience  clear  before  my  God.  (Continued  cheers.)  *  *  * 

They  were  told  that  the  speech  he  made  in  that  room  would 
put  an  end  to  the  remittances  from  America;  and  that  the  Ame¬ 
ricans  would  not  again  contribute  to  the  funds  of  the  Associa¬ 
tion.  If  they  should  never  get  one  shilling  from  America,  his 
course  wTas  plain,  his  path  was  obvious.  He  was  attached  to 
liberty;  he  was  the  uncompromising  hater  of  slavery  wherever 
it  was  to  be  found.  (Cheers.) 

Have  I  traduced  the  Americans,  when  I  talked  of  the  horrors 
of  domestic  slavery?  I  happened  to  receive  a  New  Orleans 
paper,  published  in  the  centre  of  domestic  slavery — it  is  called 
the  Jeffersonian  Republic ,  and  I  shall  read  an  extract  from  it. 
B/  that  I  perceive  that,  in  connection  with  the  institution  of 
slavery  in  New  Orleans — for  I  find  that,  in  America,  they  call 
it  an  institution — there  are  public  whipping  places;  men  are 
licensed  to  keep  shambles  of  torture  (hear,  hear) ;  the  master 


sends  his  slave  to  those  shambles,  there  to  get  one  hundred 
lashes,  and  the  man  gets  the  hundred  lashes,  or  whatever  de¬ 
gree  of  punishment  his  master  desires.  (Hear,  hear.)  There 
are  actually  shambles  kept  there  for  the  torture  of  slaves,  and 
there  are  persons  who  earn  a  livelihood — what  a  hideous  live¬ 
lihood! — by  flogging  human  beings  at  the  instance  of  those 
who  are  called  their  masters.  (Hear,  hear.)  Am  I  to  blame 
if  I  attack  a  system  of ‘that  kind?  (Hear,  hear.)  Male  or 
female,  young  or  old,  whipped  at  the  discretion  of  a  man  whose 
only  limit  is  not  actually  killing  the  individual!  (Hear,  hear.) 
They  would  thus  make  the  slave  declare  whether  he  is  guilty 
of  a  theft  or  not.  Are  they,  I  ask,  Christian  meti  who  endure 
to  see  these  scenes  going  on  around  them?  (Hear,  hear.)  Re¬ 
collect  that  this  is  not  the  statement  of  a  calumniator,  or  a 
libeler,  or  foreign  emissary,  but  it  is  the  statement  published 
in  the  darkest  hole  of  slavery,  New  Orleans  itself.  (Hear, 
hear.) — Speech  before  the  Dublin  Repeal  Association ,  Septem¬ 
ber ,  1844. 


ADDRESS 

FROM  THE  MEMBERS  OF  THE  CUFFE-LANE  TEMPERANCE 
SOCIETY  TO  THEIR  BRETHREN  IN  AMERICA. 

Dublin,  February,  1847. 

To  Irishmen  in  America  ; 

Countrymen:  From  recent  information  that  we  have  re¬ 
ceived  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  the  country  of 
your  adoption,  our  hearts  have  been  warmed  afresh  with  zeal 
on  behalf  of  freedom,  and  our  sympathies  re-kindled  in  favor 
of  the  American  slave,  who  is  deprived  of  all  his  rights,  and 
subjected  to  the  irresponsible  will  of  his  master. 

Countrymen!  our  hearts  burn  with  indignation  at  the 
thoughts  of  this  injustice  to  our  fellow-creatures,  who  are 
children  of  the  same  God  as  we  are,  and  destined  to  a  similar 
glorious  end. 

We  have  heard,  fellow-countrymen,  with  feelings  of  c^eep 
sorrow,  that  many  of  you  are  indifferent  to  the  wrongs  of  the 
slave,  and  that  some  are  to  be  found  even  in  the  ranks  of  those 
who  chain,  and  whip,  and  lacerate  him;  and  who,  without  pity 
or  remorse,  forcibly  separate  husbands  and  wives,  parents  and 


children,  selling  them  at  the  auction-table  to  the  highest 
bidder ! 

By  all  your  memories  of  Irishmen,  by  all  your  love  of  Fa¬ 
therland,  we  entreat  you  not  to  disgrace  the  land  of  your  birth, 
by  aiding  the  tyrant  in  the  land  of  your  adoption  to  rivet  the 
chains  on  his  victim ! 

What  right  have  you  to  enslave  the  colored  man  ?  Did  not 
God  create  him  in  His  own  image  as  well  as  }7ou  ?  If  you  are 
authorized  to  keep  him  in  bondage,  show  us  your  license  from 
the  Lord  of  earth  and  heaven ! 

God  has  placed  an  instinct  within  your  bosoms,  which  tells 
you  that  “man  is  created  free  and  equal,  and  that  all  are  alike 
entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.” 

Countrymen!  we  appeal  to  you  in  the  name  of  the  Declara¬ 
tion  of  Independence,  which  guarantees  to  every  inhabitant  of 
the  United  States  of  America  the  priceless  boon  of  liberty,  but 
which  instrument  has  been  basely  trampled  under  foot,  in  rela¬ 
tion  to  three  millions  of  the  people  of  that  republic. 

On'the  fourth  day  of  July,  every  year,  you  and  every  citizen 
of  America  celebrate  your  freedom  from  political  servitude. 
Perform  this  act  of  hypocrisy  no  more,  until  the  colored  man 
can  unite  in  the  joyful  hymn  of  thanksgiving. 

In  a  word,  countrymen,  we  call  upon  you  to  be  true  to  the 
principles  of  Liberty  and  Justice.  Pursue  a  contrary  course, 
and  you  will  disgrace  your  country,  and  impede  her  advance¬ 
ment  on  the  road  of  freedom. 

We  need  your  sympathy,  as  you  need  ours,  for  the  promotion 
of  the  principles  of  Truth  and  Justice  at  home  and  abroad;  and 
neither  of  us  can  help  the  other,  if  we  are  false  to  God’s 
in  our  own  hearts. 

We  remain,  countrymen  and  friends,  faithfully  yours, 

John  Spratt,  D.  D.,  President  of  the  Society , 
Chapel  House,  Angier  St.,  Dublin. 

James  Haughton — and  881  others. 


TRIBUTE  TO  THE  MEMORY  OF  O’CONNELL 

[From  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Massachusetts  A.  S.  Society,  1847.] 

The  last  year  has  been  marked  in  the  annals  of  Ireland, 
and  of  the  world,  by  the  death  of  the  great  O’Connell.  This 
is  no  place  to  recount  his  history  or  to  pronounce  his  eulogy. 


It  is  for  others  to  tell  his  labors  in  behalf  of  the  great  move¬ 
ments  for  the  Relief  of  his  Religion,  for  the  Reform  of  Par¬ 
liament,  and  for  the  Repeal  of  the  Union.  But  to  his  ear¬ 
nestness  in  th§  cause  of  West  Indian  Emancipation,  his 
readiness  to  denounce  the  Colonization  imposture  when  ex¬ 
posed  to  him  by  Mr.  Garrison,  his  indignant  contempt  of 
slaveholders  and  their  apologists,  and  his  consistent  hatred  of 
Slavery  and  readiness  to  co-operate  with  the  Abolitionists,  we 
may  be  permitted  to  pay  the  tribute  of  our  admiration  and 
gratitude.  He  died  at  Genoa,  on  the  15th  of  May,  1847,  in 
the  72d  year  of  his  age,  while  upon  a  pilgrimage  to  the  me¬ 
tropolis  of  his  ancient  Faith,  of  which  he  was  ever  a  zealous 
votary  and  a  duteous  son.  But  his  frame  was  too  much  shat¬ 
tered  by  his  toils  and  sufferings  to  permit  him  to  reach  the 
Head  of  his  Church.  Few  men  have  left  behind  them  a  more 
famous  name,  or  one  that  excites  more  opposite  emotions  in 
the  hearers’  minds.  No  one  of  his  times  was  better  hated 
and  better  loved  than  he.  No  man’s  character  was  submitted 
to  such  opposite  constructions.  But  when  the  evil  and  the 
good  that  he  has  left  behind  him  shall  be  pondered. in  the  im¬ 
partial  balance  of  posterity,  we  believe  that  his  services  in 
the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  his  recognition  of 
moral  power  and  the  renunciation  of  violence  and  bloodshed 
of  his  later  years,  will  be  found  to  outweigh  his  errors,  and 
that  he  will  be  recognized  as  among  the  foremost  of  the  friends 
of  mankind. 


\ 


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